John Wolfgang Sperber – Part Two: His Journey to Le Havre

Based on the first part of this story, I have concluded that John Wolfgang Sperber arrived in New York City on June 14, 1852 on the ship “Germania” from the Le Havre Port in France.

Since I am not 100 percent confident of the evidence associated with his immigration to America, I have researched the other available inland European routes to major ports that he may have considered for his journey to move to America. My further research into the other possible routes that John Sperber may have taken for his journey to his new homeland gives me more confidence that he departed from Havre, France.

Based on my historical research on the transportation infrastructure in the mid 1800s in the German states and France, the following provides a narrative of John Sperber’s journey from the Grand Duchy of Baden to the port of Le Havre, France.

This story is part two of a five part story.


John Wolfgang Sperber: A Four Part Story

The first part of the story provides an overview of the family legacy John Sperber established in his new homeland, an historical background on where John was from in Baden, Germany, the influences on his migration to the United States, and the historical evidence of his departure and arival to America.

The second part of John Sperber’s story describes his journey from Baden-Baden to Le Havre based on historical evidence and historical accounts.

The third part of the story assesses the two other major inland pathways to European ports that John had options to consider. Since it is not absolutely certain that John sailed on the Germania from Le Havre, I have provided historical background on the relative accessibility of the three major routes John may have taken to make his voyage to the United States. 

The fourth part of the story discusses the possible influences that drew Johann Sperber to Fulton County, New York.

The fifth part of the story discusses his travel to New York City and his options for travel up to the Mohawk Valley.

The sixth part of John Sperber’s story is about his establishing a new life and family in the Johnstown and Gloversville, New York area in the 1850s and 1860s.

The seventh part of the story is about the John’s Family in the context of Gloversville’s development  in the 1870s and 1880s and John’s career in the glove making industry.

The eighth part of the story is about the Sperber family in the 1890’s and the twilight of John’s life after the turn of the twentieth century 


John Sperber’s Start of His Inland Journey to Strasbourg

Assuming John Sperber started his journey in the spring of 1852, he either utilized the established Baden Main Line train network or he used a carriage or wagon transport on Baden roads to get to Strasbourg, France. The distance between Baden-Baden and Strasbourg is roughly 57 kilometers or about 35 and a half miles.

“Advantageously located in Germany’s southwestern corner, Baden could not avoid a dual role in the nation’s railway affairs. First, of course, it oversaw the entry from Switzerland to the right bank of the Rhine and thus the most active north-south trade route in Europe. Second Baden’s proximity to France placed it at the railheads of both Strasbourg and Mulhouse, through which commerce was sure to pass from Paris and the French plains to Southern Germany.” [1]

Train leaves the Station of Heidelberg in the Year 1840 [2]

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The Grand Duchy of Baden was the second German state after the Duchy of Brunswick to build and operate railways at state expense. Planning for the railway did not commence until the foundation of a railway company in the neighboring French province of Alsace for the construction of a line from Basle to Strasbourg in 1837. The Baden legislature passed three laws in one day to start plans (on March 29th, 1838) for the construction of the first route between Mannheim and the Swiss border at Basle, as well as a stub line to Baden-Baden and a branch to Strasbourg. [3]

Map One: The Grand Duchy of Baden Railway System 1848 [4]

As indicated in map one above, based on the current state of the Grand Duchy of Baden Railway System in the early 1850’s, John Sperber could have taken the train from the extension of the rail line from Badin-Baden to Baden-0os. Baden-Oos was a stop on the main line. The train line headed south to the Kehl extension. The short branch line from Baden-Oos to Baden-Baden was opened on July, 27, 1845. Strasburg was across the border from Kehl on the Rhine River. [5] Since there was no railway bridge in 1852 over the Rhine from Kehl, John Sperber probably took a boat across the Rhine to reach Strasbourg. [6]

Another option for John Sperber was to travel by road to Kehl and then by boat across the Rhine River to Strasbourg.

The Legacy and Impact of French Postal Roads and German Immigration

From Strasbourg, John Sperber had a few but limited options based on what he could afford for inland travel and the configuration of the current transportation infrastructure in 1852. Since he was a young man traveling alone, I imagine he was more concerned with economy of travel, safety and dependability; and not necessarily concerned with speed and comfort of travel. John could have utilized a combination of travel approaches to Le Havre from Strasbourg. The approximate distance between Strasbourg and Le Havre is 610 kilometers (about 379 miles) when traveling by road. 

As reflected in map two below, his journey to the port of Le Havre could be viewed in terms of the major towns or cities that he had to travel through based on existing roadways, railways and waterways. The journey could be viewed in terms of five segments: Strasbourg to Nancy, Nancy to Châlons-sur-Marne [7], Châlons-sur-Marne to Paris, Paris to Rouen, and Rouen to Havre.

Map Two: The Basic Route from Strasbourg to Havre

In terms of distance, table one provides approximate distances for each of the five segments of John Sperber’s inland journey.

Table One: Approximate Distances for Each Segment of Sperber’s Inland Journey

SegmentKilometersMiles
Strasbourg – Nancy160100
Nancy – Châlons-sur-Marne13785
Châlons-sur-Marne – Paris187116
Paris – Rouen13584
Rouen – Havre9060
Total Strasbourg – Havre*700435
* Total figure does not add up to the aggregate figure of total kilometers or miles for each segment since each value for the segments were average figures as well as the total route trip.

The journey between each of these segments in northern France contains a diverse terrain of mountains, plains, and rolling hills. Map three provides an overall representation of the topography of John Sperber’s journey across France. The roughly 700 kilometer journey was not on flat terrain.

Map Three: Topographical Map of Northern France [8]

If we look closer at each segment of his journey using maps of the current roads in France, it is readily apparent that the roads contain noticeable gradients in ‘hilly’ areas. An argument could be made that using contemporary maps to describe possible roadways that John Sperber used for his journey might be misleading since roads certainly have changed since 1852. While it is true that many of the French roads have changed in terms of their surface and infrastructure and they have been improved and rebuilt, many of the major contemporary road arteries in France follow the routes of royal postal roads that were originally built in the 1700s.

The French postal roads of the 1700s were innovative in their design and construction. The engineers replaced the old zigzagging roads by redesigning straight lined roads which reduced travelling time, made the roads safer, and technically easier to maintain. Roadways through mountainous areas were constructed to minimize the gradients of the road. Where it is was possible many of the mountainous or hilly areas were constructed with the goal of having seven percent gradients. The network of many of these roads created by the monarchy remained untouched by the following regimes and still represent the blueprint of the French road system in the twenty-first century. [9]

“Straightening or even completely neglecting the windings of ancient roads and seeking, thereby, to rediscover the straightness of Roman roads, the engineers of the 18th century always chose the shortest traces as far as possible.But the route most often avoided villages, or even certain small towns which would have forced it to make an unnecessary detour. A junction is then sufficient to serve them. In the mountains on the other hand, while trying to maintain long rectilinear sections, we looked for traces adapted to the requirements of the relief in such a way that the ramps could only very exceptionally exceed 5 inches per toise (i.e. approximately 7%). “ [10]

For example, one of the major towns John Sperber probably traveled near or through was Châlons-sur-Marne which was a viticultural area that has a long history of producing grapes for champaign production. [11] Châlons-sur-Marne was also one of the major towns that were roadway hubs that were originally part of the legacy of French Postal Roads that were established in the 1700’s and fanned out from Paris.

The French Postal Roads and the “Corps des Ponts et Chaussées”

Type of roadway recommended by Trésaguet (1775) Source: Arbellot, Guy “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Page 771

The creation of the French royal postal routes was a gradual process that evolved over several centuries, with significant contributions from various monarchs and the influence of existing postal systems.

Under Louis XIV, who reigned from 1643 to 1715, centralization increased, and the king sought to exercise greater control over the postal service for political and financial reasons. In 1672, he created the Ferme générale des Postes (General postal farm), which marked the beginning of taxation on postal services.

The origin of the department of Bridges and Roads in eighteenth century France, known as the “Corps des Ponts et Chaussées,” can be traced back to the early eighteenth century. This department was formally organized in 1716 during the reign of Louis XIV. The establishment of this department marked a significant development in the administration and construction of road and bridge infrastructure in France.

The Corps des Ponts et Chaussées was responsible for overseeing the construction and maintenance of roads and bridges across the country. This organization played a crucial role in the systematic development of transportation infrastructure, which was essential for economic and military purposes. The creation of this department was part of a broader movement towards rationalizing and centralizing the administration of public works in France, reflecting the state’s increasing involvement in economic development and infrastructure management during this period.

The department’s establishment was influenced by the need to improve the existing road systems, which were inadequate for the demands of the time, particularly due to the growth in commerce and the mobility needs of the military. The Corps des Ponts et Chaussées not only handled the technical aspects of construction but also engaged in the planning and regulatory oversight necessary to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of transportation networks across France. [12]

Looking at maps four and five of the major roadways surrounding Châlons-sur-Marne underscore the similarity of major French roadways over time. [13]


Maps Four and Five: Example of Major French Roads in the Châlons-sur-Marne Area in the 1789 and the 1961

Road network of Champagne in 1789 (according to “Itinerary map of the Province and Border of Champagne”)

Legend:
– Roads made and maintained on strike
– Roads made and maintained in stone
– Projected roads
– Cobblestone parts at the expense of the king, towns and communities
(The numbers used in the original map to designate the main roads have been reproduced on this page)

Champagne road network in 1961 (according to the map “Ministry of Public Works – National Roads – Width of roads as of January 1, 1961”)

Legend:

Width of national roads: ‘6.50 m hand ‘ and ‘ from 6.60 m to 10 m’


Many of the these postal routes survived and became the major roadways in France. In fact, all of the roadways along the route from Strasbourg to Le Havre are part of the old postal route system.

Map six below depicts the postal roads in northern France that linked major towns and cities in France in 1833. The creation of the map is the result of analyzing the changes over time of the expansion of postal routes in France through time. I have highlighted the postal roads that followed the possible route that John Sperber had taken to reach the post of Le Havre.

“Although the mounted mail made increasing use of the paved or cobblestone roads built by the engineers of the department of Bridges and Roads in the 18th century, it was the aggregate of relay stations and not the sections of roadway that were managed by the institution, since the itinerary that connected one nucleus to another could change over time. But this fluidity is also a characteristic of the stations themselves, … between 1632 and 1850, less than half of the relay stations remained the same. In this sense, the impression of permanence and longevity gives way to the notion of change and chance. ” [14]

Map Six: French Postal Roads and Main Cities and Towns in 1833 and the Highlighted Possible Route of John Sperber from Strasbourg to Le Havre [15]

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“The evolution of the mapping of the postal network sheds light on various territorial choices stemming from political or economic requirements. This postal network was the first exchange system managed by the French monarchy within the boundaries of the territory of France. With the Edict of Luxies in 1464, Louis XI created relais de poste (roadhouse postal offices) and divided the horseback couriers of the king’s stables into two groups: the courriers du cabinet, who were in charge of royal mail, and the postes assises, who later would become post masters, in charge of providing the horses. Depending on the roads, terrain, and topographical demands, the offices were between four and five leagues apart (16 to 20 kilometers). The network was made available to travelers in 1506 during the reign of Louis XII. Under Louis XIV, king of France in 1643-1715, centralization increased and the king sought to exercise greater control over the postal service for political and financial reasons. In 1672 he created the Ferme Générale des Postes (General postal farm). The speed of the postal service was about seven kilometers per hour at the beginning of the 18th century. The relais de poste were done away with in 1873.”[16]

The Geographical Terrain Across Northern France

The initial segment of travel between Strasbourg and Nancy contains steep terrain, as evidenced in the elevation graphs associated with map seven below. None of the approximate 100 miles is flat.

The area between Strasbourg and Nancy is characterized by a diverse geographical landscape that includes the upper ridge of the Vosges Mountains and the plains of Alsace and Lorraine. Strasbourg is part of the Alsace region. This area is known for its flat plains which are conducive to agriculture and viticulture. Some of the gradients on the road, as reflected in the graphs, are above 14 percent. [17]

Map Seven with Graphs: Elevation and contemporary Roadway Gradients between Strasbourg and Nancy

Nancy, on the other hand, is situated on the left bank of the Meurthe River, approximately 10 kilometers upstream from its confluence with the Moselle River. The city is surrounded by hills that are about 150 meters higher than the city center, which itself is situated at 200 meters above sea level. The geography around Nancy includes these elevated areas, providing a contrast to the flatter regions closer to Strasbourg.

The Vosges Mountains, which lie to the west of this corridor, are a significant geographical feature. They create a natural barrier and have historically been a strategic region in defining political boundaries. The mountains slope down into the foothills and then transition into the plains of Alsace to the east and Lorraine to the west, which are more conducive to human settlement and agriculture.

As reflected in map two below, there were two established postal roadways leading out of Strasbourg to Paris.

Map Eight: Section of the Carte D’ETAT-MAJOR 1820-1866 of Strasbourg [18]

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John’s 85 mile journey from Nancy to Châlons-sur-Marne contained undulating terrain with average gradients between two to five percent on the hills. Some of the climbs hit 9 percent and seven percent. Châlons-sur-Marne, now known as Châlons-en-Champagne, is situated in the Champagne region, and is known for its rolling plains and large agricultural areas, especially vineyards. The Marne river flows through this region. The distance between Nancy and Châlons-sur-Marne is approximately 150 kilometers (about 93 miles), and the terrain between these two cities includes a mix of river valleys, agricultural land, and forested areas. The route would have traversed the regions of Lorraine and Champagne, with their respective geographical characteristics.

Map Nine with Graphs: Elevation and Contemporary Roadway Gradients between Nancy and Châlons-sur-Marne

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In the 1800s, the terrain between Châlons-sur-Marne (now known as Châlons-en-Champagne) and Paris was characterized by a mix of agricultural landscapes, forests, and small villages. This region is predominantly flat with gently rolling plains.

Traveling towards Paris, the landscape would transition from the open plains of Champagne to the more hillier, wooded and forested areas surrounding Paris. Historical accounts and maps from the era often depict this region as less densely populated than today, with numerous small villages dotting the landscape. These villages would typically center around a church or a market square, serving as community hubs for the surrounding rural areas.

The road networks in the 19th century, while improved from medieval times, were still developing. Prior to the development of railways in the late 1840s and 1850s, major routes like the one from Châlons-sur-Marne to Paris was vital for the transport of goods and people.

The roads between Châlons-sur-Marne and Paris had a number of areas where there were sharp steep climbs and descents. Some of the gradient changes were above 5 percent..

Map Ten with Graphs: and Contemporary Roadway Gradients between Châlons-sur-Marne and Paris

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The journey from Paris to Rouen moves through a part of the Paris Basin, which is a geological lowland area. See map ten. The terrain has rolling, hills following the winding Seine River. When approaching Rouen, there are some steep gradients and hills that reach 14 or more percent.

“The main road along the Seine from LeHavre through Rouen to Paris was the Route Royale 14. From Rouen to Paris, where it was called the route d’en haut (the less-used Route Royal 13 was called the route d’en bas), it had existed for some time, though  like most roads, in rudimentary form until early in the eighteenth century.” [19]

“Even good roads required considerable effort and expense to maintain their viability. The soil and climate along much of the route made maintenance difficult. The effects of rain could be very destructive on the chaulky Normandy plateaux where good foundations and drainage were not easily obtained. With any more than a thin layer of mud, ruts began to form, and the going became very heavy.” [20]

Map Eleven with Graphs: and Contemporary Roadway Gradients between Paris and Rouen

While the roadway terrain between Rouen and Le Havre in the 1850s would have been quite different from what modern travelers experience today, it essentially following the old Fench postal routes. During the mid-19th century, the region of Normandy, where both Rouen and Le Havre are located, was characterized by a variety of landscapes, including dramatic coastlines with chalky cliffs in the eastern part, and wide stretches of sand and pebble beaches to the west. The inland terrain was largely an open plateau with gentle hills, suited for agriculture, including small fields, orchards, and pastures.

The road network in France during the 18th and 19th centuries was undergoing significant changes, with the expansion of postal routes and the improvement of road conditions. By the 1850s, the economic situation had impacted the maintenance of the road network, but main routes, such as the one between Rouen and Le Havre, were likely to have been kept in better condition to facilitate trade and travel. [21]

In the 1850s, the main mode of transportation between Rouen and Le Havre was horse-drawn vehicles such as utility wagons, carriage and stagecoaches, on roads. This period predates the establishment of the tramway system in Le Havre, which began in 1874 [22]. The widespread use of steam-powered river transport, which started to be effectively applied in 1826, was initially limited to tugboats operating between Le Havre and Rouen. [23] 

Map ten below is a portion of an original French map that shows Rouen in context of the major route to Havre as well as the Paris Le Havre railway. [24]

Map Twelve: Section of the Carte D’ETAT-MAJOR 1820-1866 of Rouen Showing the Railway and Major Roadway to Havre

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Travel between the two cities would have typically been by horse-drawn vehicles on roads that followed the sinewed curves of the Seine River. The roads would have varied, with some sections possibly paved with cobblestones or similar materials, while others might have been simple dirt road that could become muddy and difficult to traverse in bad weather.

Map Thirteen with Graphs: and Contemporary Roadway Gradients between Rouen and Le Havre

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Traveling Optons Across Northern France

It is highly likely John Sperber, a young single male, traveled through France by French roadways. This option would have been the slowest and perhaps least expensive way, not withstanding the added costs of food and quarters along the way, to get to the port of Le Havre.

It is possible John Sperber used a combination of road and railway travel. The railway system in France in the early 1850s was growing but not complete across northern France. In 1852, completed sections of railway systems were increasingly available as John made his way west across France. The use of waterways via rivers was an available option once he arrived in Paris; and he could have considered traveling on barges up the Seine to Le Havre.

Table Two: Travel Options Traveling from Strasbourg to Le Havre in 1852

Travel SegmentRoadRailwayWaterway
Strasbourg to NancyAvailable – – – – – –
Nancy to Châlons-sur-MarneAvailable– – –– – –
Châlons-sur-Marne to ParisAvailableAvailable– – –
Paris to RouenAvailableAvailableAvailable
Rouen to Le HavreAvailableAvailableAvailable

Specifically, John Sperber had the following options or combination of options to reach the port of Le Havre for his voyage to the United States:

  • French Roadways: As indicated, the roadways of France provided a fairly direct route from Strasbourg to Le Havre. It was the predominate mode of travel for German immigrants traveling to the port of Le Havre. While the slowest means of travel. John possibly hitched a ride with another immigrant family who were traveling on their farm wagon and horse team. He could have paid to ride on one of the returning commercial wagons that were returning to Havre. He also had the option to utilize stagecoaches that were faster but more costly. Walking beside immigrant family wagons was the predominant and cheapest means of traveling the Strasbourg to Havre route. [25]
  • French Railway: Parts of the westward journey to Paris could have been made on segments of the emerging Paris-Est–Strasbourg-Ville railway in France. However, the railway between Paris and Strasbourg was not complete at the time of John’s travels. [26] In addition, John could have used the Paris–Le Havre railway to finish his inland journey to Havre. [27] The development of the railway system, particularly the completion of the Paris-Le Havre railway line in 1847, significantly facilitated the movement of people, including immigrants, between these two cities. This railway connection allowed for faster and more efficient travel compared to river barges, which were generally used for cargo rather than passenger transportation during this time. [28]
  • River Barges: While traveling by road or rail may have been more prevalent, John could have also utilized barges on the Seine River once he made it to Paris to finish his journey to Le Havre. [29] “In continuing the journey the majority embarked upon steamboats on the Seine, or traveled as deck passengers upon the barges that these steamboats towed to the port. Three times a day stages sets out for Le Havre, but such a conveyance was usually too expensive.” [30]
  • Canals: The use of rivers and canals were not useful or available for John Sperber’s travel to Le Havre in 1852. The Marne–Rhine Canal was built concurrently with parts of the Paris-Est–Strasbourg-Ville railway and by the same administration, from 1839 to 1855. Their course is parallel. However, it was not complete when John was traveling eastward to Le Havre. [31]

The Emergence of Railways in mid 1800 France

If John traveled by railway, his options were limited. The rail line between Paris and Strasbourg was built and operated by the Compagnie du chemin de fer de Paris à Strasbourg, which later became part of the Chemins de fer de l’Est This railway line between Paris and Strasbourg was complete after John arrived to the United States. It was not available for him when he emigrated to the United States. in 1852.

The first section of the French railway line between Le Havre and Strasbourg was opened in 1849. This first section connected Paris to Châlons-sur-Marne (see map thirteen below). In 1850 a line from Nancy to Frouard and a line from Châlons to Vitry-le-François were completed. In the following year, a line from Vitry-le-François to Commercy as well as a line from Sarrebourg to Strasbourg were completed. Finally, in 1852, the year John Sperber emigrated, the sections between Commercy and Frouard, and the line between Nancy and Sarrebourg were opened. The 1852 sections were probably open after John’s voyage in June 1852.  [32]

During this period, railway technology and infrastructure were rapidly developing. As reflected in map fourteen, I have modified and removed from the original source map all of the rail lines that were built between 1850 and 1856. You can see, however, remnants of removed lines for the railways completed in this six year period. John may not have been able to travel by rail between Strasbourg, Nancy and Vitry-le-François. Even if he was able to travel by train, his journey would have been interrupted and punctuated with the need to travel by roadways where the train line was under construction. [33]

Map Fourteen: French Railway System 1842 – 1850

Once John Sperber reached Paris, he may have continued the final leg to Le havre by train on the 142 mile long Paris–Le Havre railway. Conversely he may have continued his journey on barges or steamboats on the Seine River as a deck passenger. If both of these two alternatives were outside his budget, he may have traveled on wagons to Le Havre. [34]

The stretch of railway between Paris and Le Havre was among the first railway lines in France. The section from Paris to Rouen opened on May 9, 1843, followed by the section from Rouen to Le Havre that opened on March 22, 1847. [35]

Type of Road Transport in France

As discussed above, the typical method for traveling by road was the use of established overland freight wagon commerce routes to Paris. These roads were well established and used for over one hundred years. Due to their value to the French military and commercial business interests, they were, compared to other roads in France, in better condition.

The cotton industry relied heavily on the roads between Le Havre and Strasbourg for commercial freight transport to the Alsace region of France. Manufactured goods and immigrants were transported on the’ return trip’.

The major roads, such as those between Paris and Strasbourg, were noted back in the late 1700s:

“In France the great post-roads, the roads which make the communication between the principal towns of the kingdom, are in general kept in good order; and in some provinces are even a good deal superior to the greater part of the turnpike roads of England. But what we call cross-roads, that is, the far greater part of the roads in the country, are entirely neglected, and are in many places absolutely impassable for any heavy carriage.” [36]

John Sperber may have utilized a major road commerce route to Le Havre. Overland freight wagon commerce routes were developed and used in the 1830s and 1840s between Le Havre and Strasbourg .

“Freight wagons returning from Basel and Strasbourg to Le Havre carried passengers willing to travel the slow way, while persons with more means forwarded their heavy household belongings by the freighters and themselves used the more rapid stage lines. Most of the emigrants, however, started towards the west in the style of their American contemporaries – in covered wagons. The family carriage was arched with sailcloth and the interior packed with the women, children and baggage. The men and older boys walked outside, leading the horses. In this fashion long caravans set out from the German – French border, camping each evening by the wayside and frugally consuming the supply of food that was to support them across the Atlantic.” [37]

Based on a number of historical accounts and research on German immigration, German immigrants in the 1840s and 1850s possibly used a few different types of wagons to travel from Strasbourg to the port of Le Havre that were similar to the following:

  1. Freight wagons – Emigrants could obtain transport on freight wagons returning from the east of France after delivering goods from Le Havre. These wagons allowed immigrants to travel overland from places like Strasbourg to the port of Le Havre on their return trip back to Le Havre. [38]
  2. Conestoga wagons – German settlers in America designed and built the Conestoga wagon, which was used in opening up the American frontier. It is possible a similar designed sturdy covered wagon was used by immigrants in Europe to transport their belongings to port cities. [39] “The name came from an area along the Conestoga River Valley in Lancaster County. Some sources say at the confluence of the Conestoga River and the Little Conestoga Creek. Here, Pennsylvania German and Swiss wagon builders created the massive, sturdy wagons needed to ship farm products the sixty-four-mile journey to market in Philadelphia. A product of several influences, the wagon took shape over time.” [40]
  3. Prairie schooner – nineteenth century covered wagon popularly used by emigrants traveling to the American West. The name prairie schooner was derived from the wagon’s white canvas cover which gave it the appearance, from a distance, of the sailing ship. The prairie schooner was smaller and lighter than the Conestoga wagon and was more suitable for long-distance travel. Unlike the Conestoga, which had a body that angled up at each end and prevented cargo from tipping or falling out, the prairie schooner had a flat horizontal body. The sides of which were lower than those of the Conestoga. [41]

During the mid-19th century, the most common types of wagons used for long-distance travel and migration in Europe and America included the wagon similar to the Conestoga wagon and the prairie schooner. The Conestoga wagon, known for its large size and capacity, was primarily used in the United States for transporting goods over long distances. A smaller sized wagon, similar in design to the prairie schooner, was likely used by immigrants traveling from Strasbourg to Le Havre due to its size and the nature of European roads and travel conditions at the time. [42]

The Speed of Road Travel and Travel Time

(The) dramatic acceleration in the pace of travel was perhaps the Ancien Régime’s most impressive domestic achievement. It was given its most durable visual tribute by Joseph Vernet, in his magnificent painting of 1774 entitled The construction of a highway (now in the Louvre). In the foreground a group of workmen are creating a broad paved road, supervised by a foreman who is pictured reporting to a group of engineers on horseback, dressed in smart blue uniforms with gold facings; the road winds its way along an embankment cut out of the side of a hill, towards a three-span bridge, itself under construction with the assistance of two large cranes; the ultimate destination is a hill-top town, overlooked by a large windmill. The entire painting speaks of hostile nature tamed by human ingenuity and labour.” [43]

Construction of a Large Road 1774, Oil Painting by Claude-Joseph Vernet

Photographic reproduction of Construction of a Large Road. Claude-Joseph Vernet. Oil on canvas. 1774. (Louvre museum, Paris, France). Uploaded to Wikimedia Commons 28 February 2018, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Construction_d%27un_grand_chemin_(Louvre,_INV_8831).jpg

Travel by horse-drawn coach was the more traditional method during this period. The speed of horse-drawn coaches could vary significantly based on the condition of the roads, the weather, and the need for frequent stops to rest the horses and for passengers to eat and sleep. A typical speed for a horse-drawn coach could be around 3.5 to 5 miles per hour. Considering the direct distance between Strasbourg and Havre is approximately 500 miles, the journey could take roughly 100 to 142 hours of continuous travel. However, with necessary stops for rest and assuming only daylight travel, this could extend the travel time significantly, potentially making the journey last several days to a couple of weeks.

If John Sperber used part of the rail route that was completed in 1852, it would have likely reduced the travel time compared to solely using horse-drawn coaches or wagons. Trains could travel at speeds significantly higher than coaches, approximately 20-30 miles per hour by mid-century standards. Assuming a combination of rail and coach travel was utilized, the journey from Strasbourg to Havre in 1852 could have taken anywhere from several days to about a week. This estimate considers potential railway use for part of the journey and the slower pace of horse-drawn coaches for other segments, along with stops for overnight rest and other delays.

The following map fifteen reflects the “fastest” speeds of the day in 1780 traveling from Paris to other towns and cities in the country. Traveling by stage coach from Strasbourg to Rouen was estimated to take five days.

“Since the main roads have been resurfaced and relatively well maintained throughout the kingdom, traveling by car is no longer quite an adventure. Certainly, its high cost still makes it the mode of transport only for the wealthy classes, but, among them, it is becoming popularized in some way. … We are also witnessing a standardization of daily speeds which makes the map look like an almost regular spider’s web. Most of the cities which today form the “great crown” of Paris is only a day’s journey away in 1780.” [44]

Map Fifteen: Duration of Travel From Paris to Outlying Areas 1790

Click for Larger View | Translation of Legend in Map: Routes served… by coach, carriage or courier, by stagecoach, by water Travel times represented by Isochronous Lines for a day from Paris; source: Arbellot, Guy “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Pages 790

It is not known how fast German immigrants traveled by wagon. The duration of the journey was influenced by weather, the weight of the wagon, sickness of the travelers, and other factors. Table three provides a glimpse of various speeds of travel based on types of four wheeled vehicles and the conditions of roads at different time periods places.

While it is difficult to estimate how long the inland journey from Baden to Le Havre was for John Sperber, we can deduce a rough estimate of time. it might have taken one day for John Sperber to reach Strasbourg.

He may have made arrangements to travel with a family or individuals that were from his local town. If so, the estimate of time for the trip across northern France could vary depending on the type of vehicle he used to make the inland trip. If he traveled with others via wagon, the trip across France may have taken up to 26 days or a month. [45]

Table Three: Speed of Travel on French Roads Between Paris and Strasbourg

DateType of VehicleLocationDays of TripKilometers
Per Day
Miles
Per
Day
1765 1CoachFrance11.54226
1875 1Diligence [46]France7.59156.5
~1850Covered Wagon [47]U.S.– –13 – 328 – 19
~1850Prairie Schooner [48]U.S. (Oregon Trail) – –24-3215 – 19
~1850Conestoga wagon [49]U.S. – –2415
1 Arbellot, Guy “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Pages 776 – 777., https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1973_num_28_3_293381

The photograph below depicts a conestoga wagon with a team of six horses in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania around 1910. [50]

Click for Larger View

The drawing below portrays the body of a diligence being transferred to a railroad car with a simple gantry crane, an example of early intermodal freight transport by the French Mail, 1844. [51]

Click for Larger View | The drawing is exhibited in Deutsches Museum Verkehrszentrum, Munich, Germany.

Le Havre “The Harbor”

Once John Speber reached the port city of Le Havre, his journey was half way completed. He then anticipated the trials and tribulations of sea travel for up to 30 days on a boat.

Bird’s Eye View of Le Havre [53]

Relative to the German ports of Bremen and Hamburg, Le Havre first gained prominence in transporting Germans to America.

“In the first half of the 19th century, German emigrants came mainly from the southwest of Germany and were driven by the agrarian crisis of 1816-1817, the economic crisis of 1830 and the revolutionary wave of 1848, or rather its reflux, which caused the migratory flow to peak (240,000 departures in 1854).” [54]

The port’s prominence was established on the backbone of the cotton industry networks for transporting raw cotton to the textile manufacturing plants in the Alsace region in France. Le Havre became part of the cotton global trade network. Imports of cotton into France’s most important cotton port, Le Havre, grew by nearly 13 times between 1815 and 1860.[55]

It was noted in 1831 that “(t)he value of goods carried between Strasbourg and Le Havre surpassed five hundred million Frances annually with freight charges of almost fifty million.” [56]

The Alsace region had a long history of textile production. With the mechanization of the textile industry in the late 1700s and through the 1800s, it became one of France’s leading textile centers in the nineteenth century. Alsace is an historical region in north eastern France on the Rhine River plain. It borders Germany and Switzerland, Alsace has alternated between German and French control over the centuries. . [57]

Politics and costs associated with cotton transport determined the eventual course of transport. The Rhine River was a natural route to transport raw cotton from the United States from the port of Le Havre to Strasbourg and Mulhouse in the Alsace region. However, the tariffs levied by the various German states along the Rhine made it a costly endeavor to transport goods down the river. Consequently a cheaper, alternative inland route was found to ship imported raw cotton to textile manufacturing areas. Cotton imported through Le Havre was transported overland in France.  

This overland commerce route also became a major transportation artery for German immigrants that utilized the ships returning to America.

“Le Havre in the 1840s imported cotton from the American south and sent “passagers d’entrepot” back to the United States. In the early 1840s and 1850s it was the main port for migrants from Baden, Bavaria, and Wurttemberg as well as from Switzerland and Alsace, as it was closer to these regions than German, Belgian, or Dutch ports. Although the overseas voyage to the United States was more expensive from Le Havre than from Antwerp, Rotterdam, Liverpool, or London, the Basel-Strasbourg-Paris-Le Havre Railway, completed in 1852, offered a more direct route. Le Havre was the major port for the day-laborers, farmers, merchants, and also iron and textile workers from Mulhouse and Guebwiller. In the 1840s and early 1850s more Germans left for the United States from Le Havre, Rotterdam, Antwerp, London, and Liverpool than from Bremen or Hamburg.” [58]

During the period in which John Sperber emigrated, Le Have experienced a population boom, between 1846 and 1851 the population grew almost 13 percent from 31,325 to 56,964. [59]

The port began to function as an emigration port at the end of the Napoleonic wars around 1815. Boarding passengers was a by-product of commercial shipments. As ship travel gained importance not only for commercial commerce but also for immigration, the docks at Le Havre were enlarged to accommodate the increased steamboat traffic from local ports. A German colony of innkeepers, shopkeepers and brokers subsequently developed to service the emigrant needs at the port. [60]

Largely due to the influx of German immigrants, Le Havre took on the appearance of a German town. 

“During the active season there were always several thousand in the city awaiting the hour of departure. The delay might extend from one to six weeks or more if the winds were contrary or the congestion was great. In the meantime they lodged in the cheapest houses, sometimes several families to a room, cooking and washing and keeping as much as possible outdoors.” [61]

Map Eighteen: Section of the Carte D’ETAT-MAJOR 1820-1866 of Port Du Havre [62]

The Port of Le Havre – German District

(The) “Germain district, (photograph below) which can be clearly seen in the center of the image. This small port district of the old Le Havre (barely one hectare in area), built on the former north-western front of the citadel, remains unknown, or even ignored, no doubt because of its short existence (1816-1856).(the Germain district was) wedged between the barracks of the old citadel and the quay of the same name. Five small streets crossed the quarter, some of which were lined with shops and stalls. The 300 inhabitants, for the most part of modest backgrounds, exercised professions as diverse as sailor, day laborer, grocer, shoemaker or liquor shopkeeper. [63]

Source: Anonymous, Havre, Quai de la Citadelle ca. 1845-1848, full plate daguerreotype, 20 x 24,8 cm, temporary modern mount, private collection. | Click for Larger View

While the reliability of the statistics is not certain, the predominance of Germans emigrating from the port of Havre is reflected in the following figures in table four for the years of 1852 and 1853, close to the time when John Sperber emigrated. Le Havre was a major port of departure for German émigrés from the southwestern region of the German states.

“In 1852 (the year that John Sperber emigrated), 63% of the 72,325 emigrants embarked at Le Havre were Germans. This figure even rises to 78.5%, or 54,000 emigrants Germans, in 1853. German emigration through the port of Le Havre then reached a peak which will never be surpassed.” [64]

In 1852, the year John Sperber left for America, the distribution of German emigrants departing from Havre was as follows. [65]

Table Four: Number of German Emigrants Departing from Havre 1852 by German State Origin

Reported
German State
of Origin
Number of
Emigrants
Percent
Bavarian 22,41149 %
Baden16,02135 %
Hessian3,6898 %
Prussian3,6858 %
Total German
Emigrants
45,806100 %
Note: It is not known how the statistics were gathered in the source.

As reflected in the table five, emigrants from Baden represented roughly one third of the total number of Germans departing from Havre in 1852. Almost fifty percent were from Bavaria.

An Inland Journey to Le Havre with a Rich Tradition

The path from Strasbourg to Havre was made by many German immigrants from the southwest German states and Switzerland. Despite the emergence of Bremen and Hamburg as competing ports for immigrating to the United States in the late 1840s and 1850s, the journey to the port of Le Havre from the Grand Duchy of Badin was a popular path to the United States partly based on tradition, geographical position and convenience. This tradition of departing from Le Havre began shortly after the Napoleonic era from 1815.

A review of statistics on the number of immigrants leaving from the Le Havre port between 1837 and 1859 underscore the predominance and intergenerational tradition of Germans using this port for their journey to the United States. As indicated in the table six below, Europeans embarking for the United States via Le Havre were predominately from German states between 1837 and 1856. John Speber’s journey was part of the height of this wave.

Table Five: German Immigrants Leaving from Le Havre for United States [66]

YearNo. of
German
Immigrants
Percent of
Total
Immigrants
Total No. of
Immigrants
18375,52766.58,311
18382,67765.04,122
18397,80077.010,110
185245,80663.072,325
185354,00078.568,836
185613,31758.222,873
185718,42547.038,700
18588,30044.518,235
18596,50044.515,393

During the 1830’s (m)any still preferred the more logistically simple route of crossing the Rhine at Strasbourg, going on to Paris, then to Le Havre. There was an established tradition among emigrants who did not wish to pay for a ride in a cotton wagon to do the overland journey on their own horses, and then to sell the animals at Paris’ horse fairs in order to raise money before the final barge trip down the Seine. The route was long, but straightforward, and covered some of its own costs. During the 1830s Le Havre still benefitted from more regular transatlantic traffic than Bremen, another point that proved to be decisive for many migrants in the early days. A cost which had to be factored into the migrant’s journey was board in the port of departure.” [67]

John Wolfgang Sperber was no different than his Baden brethren when it came to choosing his course of action to immigrate to the United States.

Sources

Feature Photograph: The feature photograph is a portion of 1849 railway and roadway map of the German states and neighboring countries. It visually indicates the probably path the John Sperber undertook to travel to Le Havre to begin his trans-Atlantic voyage to the United Stages.

Source: Bahnkarte von Deutschland und Nachbarländern 1849. Dünne Linien sind Straßen (Railway map of Germany and neighboring countries 1849. Thin lines are roads), Source: Karten- und Luftbildstelle der DB Mainz (Map and aerial photography center of the DB Mainz), current version 17 Nov 2008, Wikimedia Commons,This page was last edited on 23 December 2023 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bahnkarte_Deutschland_1849.jpg


[1] Mitchell, Allan, The Great Train Race: Railways and the Franco-German Rivalry, 1815 – 1914, New York: Berghahn Books, 2000, Page 47 – 48

[2] Lithograph of J. Schütz, Train leaves the station of Heidelberg (Germany) in the year 1840 (Ausfahrt eines Zuges aus dem Heidelberger Bahnhof, 1840), 1842 , This page was last edited on 17 September 2023 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Heidelberg_Station_1840.jpg

[3] Grand Duchy of Baden State Railway, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 23 March 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Duchy_of_Baden_State_Railway

[4] This is a modified version of a map created by MCMC, Plan der Eisenbahnstrecken in Baden 1870, Wikimedia Commons, 15 January 2006, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Baden_Railwaymap_1870.png

I have modified the map to conform with rail lines that werecompleted before John Speber embarked to America in 1852.

[5] Baden main line, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 28 November 2023, This page was last edited on 28 November 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baden_main_line

Grand Duchy of Baden State Railway, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 23 March 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Duchy_of_Baden_State_Railway

History of rail transport in Germany, Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_rail_transport_in_Germany

[6] Rhine Bridge, Kehl, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 25 February 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rhine_Bridge,_Kehl

Mitchell, Allan, The Great Train Race: Railways and the Franco-German Rivalry, 1815 – 1914, New York: Berghahn Books, 2000, Page 49

Kehl, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 11 February 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kehl

[7] Châlons-en-Champagne and Châlons-sur-Marne refer to the same city in France, but the name was officially changed from Châlons-sur-Marne to Châlons-en-Champagne in 1998. The renaming was part of a broader initiative to reflect the city’s historical and cultural connections to the Champagne region. The name “Châlons-sur-Marne” was used until 1997, and the change to “Châlons-en-Champagne” was intended to strengthen the city’s identity linked to the prestigious Champagne appellation

Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Châlons-en-Champagne”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 2 Jun. 2017, https://www.britannica.com/place/Chalons-en-Champagne

[8] I have overlayed map two onto a topographical map. The original topographical map was created by Frank Ramspott, Aug 1 2017, France Country 3D Render Topographic Map Border , fineartamerica, https://fineartamerica.com/featured/france-country-3d-render-topographic-map-border-frank-ramspott.html

[9] Anonymous, Abelor G. (1973) The great alteration of the French roads in the 18th century, Economic History Blog, April 19, 2008,  https://premodeconhist.wordpress.com/2008/04/20/abelor-g-1973-the-great-alteration-of-the-french-roads-in-the-18th-century/

Arbellot Guy (1973) “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Pages 769, https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1973_num_28_3_293381

[10] “Redressant ou meme négligeant totalement les sinuosités des anciennes routes et cherchant, par la, a retrouver la rectitude des voies romaines, les ingénieurs du xv111e siècle choisirent toujours les traces les plus courts autant qu’il était possible. … Mais a route evitait le plus souvent les villages, voire certaines petites villes qui l’auraient contrainte a un detour inutile. Un embranchement suffi.sait alors a les desservir. Dans les montagnes par contre, tout en essayant de conserver de longues sections rectilignes, on recherchait des traces adaptes aux exigences du relief de telle manière que les rampes ne puissent dépasser que tres exceptionnellement 5 pouces par toise (soit environ 7 %).”

Arbellot Guy (1973) “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Pages 769, https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1973_num_28_3_293381

[11] History of Champagne, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 30 March 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Champagne

Robinson (ed). The Oxford Companion to Wine, Third Edition. pp 150–153. Oxford University Press, 2006.

[12] William Baranès, William, update: M.L. Cohen, La Poste, Updated June 27, 2018, Encyclodi.com, https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences-and-law/economics-business-and-labor/businesses-and-occupations/la-poste#2840900166

La Poste (France), Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 9 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Poste_%28France%29

Cordier, Louis, Died 1711 Engraver, and Alexis-Hubert Jaillot. Map of France’s Post Offices. Paris: Alexis Hubert Jaillot, 1690. Map. https://www.loc.gov/item/2021668595/ 

Willis, John, The Scales of Postal Communications in New France in Context, PP 143 – 170, in Le Roux, Muriel, Editor, Post Offices of Europe 18th – 21st Century: A Comparative History, Brussels: P.I.E. Peter Lang S.A., 2014, https://www.peterlang.com/document/1053838#

Bretagnolie, Anne & Nicholas Verdier, Expanding the Network of Postal Routes in France 1708-1833 PP 183 – 202 in Le Roux, Muriel, Editor, Post Offices of Europe 18th – 21st Century: A Comparative History, Brussels: P.I.E. Peter Lang S.A., 2014, https://www.peterlang.com/document/1053838#

Conchon, Anne, Cost Economies of Carrying the Mail by Postal Services and Messageries in France (Mid-17th Century – Late 18th Century) PP 253 – 268 in Le Roux, Muriel, Editor, Post Offices of Europe 18th – 21st Century: A Comparative History, Brussels: P.I.E. Peter Lang S.A., 2014, https://www.peterlang.com/document/1053838#

Conchon, Anne, Roads construction in the eighteenth century France”, Cambridge, Queen’s college (29th March-2nd April 2006), Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Construction History, 2006, vol. 1, p. 791-797 , https://www.arct.cam.ac.uk/system/files/documents/vol-1-791-798-conchon.pdf

Bataillé, Olivier, European Influence on Postal Reform in 19th Century France, PP 415 – 429 in Le Roux, Muriel, Editor, Post Offices of Europe 18th – 21st Century: A Comparative History, Brussels: P.I.E. Peter Lang S.A., 2014, https://www.peterlang.com/document/1053838#

Le Roux, Muriel, Editor, Post Offices of Europe 18th – 21st Century: A Comparative History, Brussels: P.I.E. Peter Lang S.A., 2014, https://www.peterlang.com/document/1053838#

Le Roux, Muriel, Post Offices of Europe 18th – 21st Century: A Comparative History, 2014

Lay, Maxwell Gordon and Benson, Fred J.. “road”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 11 Aug. 2022, https://www.britannica.com/technology/road

Guy, Arbellot , “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Pages 776 – 777., 1973, https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1973_num_28_3_293381

Verdier, Nicholas and Anne Bretagnolle. Expanding the Network of Postal Routes in France 1708-1833.. histoire des réseaux postaux en Europe du XVIIIe au XXIe siècle, May 2007, Paris, France. pp.159- 175. halshs-00144669, https://shs.hal.science/halshs-00144669/document

“Die Ingenieure des Corps des Ponts et Chaussées Von der Eroberung des nationalen Raumes zur Raumordnung”, in A. Grelon, H. Stück (dir.), Ingenieure in Frankreich, 1747- 1990, Francfort, New-York, Campus, 1994, pp. 77-99. French version: http://www.gsd.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/picon-corpsdespontsetchausseese.pdf

Antoine Picon, “La pensée sociale et politique des ingénieurs des Ponts et Chaussées”, in Pour mémoire, n°18, hiver 2016, pp. 24-32. https://www.academia.edu/36791831/Antoine_Picon_La_pensée_sociale_et_politique_des_ingénieurs_des_Ponts_et_Chaussées_in_Pour_mémoire_n_18_hiver_2016_pp_24_32?email_work_card=thumbnail

[13] Guy, Arbellot,“La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Pages 776 – 777., 1973 https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1973_num_28_3_293381

[14] Verdier, Nicholas and Anne Bretagnolle. Expanding the Network of Postal Routes in France 1708-1833.. histoire des réseaux postaux en Europe du XVIIIe au XXIe siècle, May 2007, Paris, France. pp.159- 175. halshs-00144669, https://shs.hal.science/halshs-00144669/document

[15] The map is a portion of the map: Figure 3-bis: Postal roads and main cities and towns in 1833 in Verdier, Micolas and Anne Bretagnolle. Expanding the Network of Postal Routes in France 1708-1833. histoire des réseaux postaux en Europe du XVIIIe au XXIe siècle, May 2007, Paris, France. pp.159 – 175. https://shs.hal.science/halshs-00144669/document

[16] Alexis-Hubert Jaillot and Cordier, Louis, Map of France’s Post Offices (Carte particulière des postes de France), Paris: Alexis Hubert Jaillot, 1690, Retrieved by the , control number 2021668595, Library of Congress,  https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.wdl/wdl.14770

[17] The maps and graphs of elevation and gradients for the various segments of John Sperber’s journey were produced using FlattestRoute, https://www.flattestroute.com/

[18] This is one section of an amazing compilation of maps of the entire nation of France made between 1837- 1869. It is a survey map that was created by the military in the 19th century. Like the Cassini map that was made in the 1700s, it is very precise and covers the whole territory of France.

See: Dépôt de la guerre , [Carte de France de l’Etat-Major] / levée par les Officiers du Corps d’Etat-Major … gravée et publiée par le Dépôt de la Guerre. Paris: Dépôt de la Guerre 1837-1869 ; Found In: Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library Yale University Library , https://collections.library.yale.edu/catalog/15831671 

On the French Geoportail website, you can also find “la carte de l’état-major“. https://www.geoportail.gouv.fr

Map of Strasbourg 1842, d’apres le plan général dressé par J. N. Villot Architecte de la ville Strasbourg https://www.myfrenchroots.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Old-map-Strasbourg-19th-century.jpeg

[19] Affleck, Fred Norman, The Beginnings of Modern Transport in France: The Seine Valley, 1820 to 1860, PhD Thesis, London University, 1972, Page 30 https://www.academia.edu/78049678/The_beginnings_of_modern_transport_in_France_the_Seine_Valley_1820_to_1860

[20] Ibid, Page 32

[21] Verdier, Micolas and Anne Bretagnolle. Expanding the Network of Postal Routes in France 1708-1833. histoire des réseaux postaux en Europe du XVIIIe au XXIe siècle, May 2007, Paris, France. pp.159 – 175. https://shs.hal.science/halshs-00144669/document

[22] Le Havre’s old tramway, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 28 November 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Le_Havre%27s_old_tramway

[23] Affleck, Fred Norman, The Beginnings of Modern Transport in France: The Seine Valley, 1820 to 1860, PhD Thesis, London University, 1972, Pages 43 – 93 https://www.academia.edu/78049678/The_beginnings_of_modern_transport_in_France_the_Seine_Valley_1820_to_1860

[24] The Service Géographique’s Carte de France refers to a detailed topographic map series produced by the French military’s geographical service, known as the Service Géographique de l’Armée. This map series, often referred to as the “Carte d’état-major,” was initiated in the early 19th century and played a crucial role in military and administrative planning in France.The Carte de France was notable for its scale and detail, typically at 1:80,000, which allowed for precise military and civil use.

The production of these maps was a significant undertaking, involving extensive surveys and cartographic expertise. The maps were highly regarded for their accuracy and detail, including topographical features like elevation contours, waterways, and urban layouts, which were essential for both military strategy and civil administration.

The Service Géographique de l’Armée was responsible for the creation and distribution of these maps until its dissolution in 1940. The maps produced by this service formed the basis for many modern cartographic efforts in France and were integral to the development of French geographic and cartographic capabilities.

En Ligne Carte de France de l’Etat-Major, Géoportal Maps, République Française , https://www.geoportail.gouv.fr/carte 

Dépôt de la Guerre, [Carte de France de l’Etat-Major] / levée par les Officiers du Corps d’Etat-Major … gravée et publiée par le Dépôt de la Guerre, Published 1837-1869, Paris: Dépôt de la Guerre, Scale 1:80,000, https://collections.library.yale.edu/catalog/15831671

Carte D’Etat-Major 1820-1866,  https://geocatalogue.apur.org/catalogue/srv/api/records/833fc566-cdbf-418e-8485-6fcd00af118b

Carte d’état-major, Wkiipédia, La dernière modification de cette page a été faite le 20 avril 2024, https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carte_d%27état-major

[25] Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Pages 186 – 187

[26] Paris-Est–Strasbourg-Ville railway, Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paris-Est–Strasbourg-Ville_railway

[27] Paris–Le Havre railway, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 25 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paris–Le_Havre_railway

[28] Arbellot, Guy, “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3, 1973, Pages 776-777

[29] Affleck, Fred Norman, The Beginnings of Modern Transport in France: The Seine Valley, 1820 to 1860, PhD Thesis, London University, 1972 https://www.academia.edu/78049678/The_beginnings_of_modern_transport_in_France_the_Seine_Valley_1820_to_1860

[30] Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Pages 187

[31] Marne–Rhine Canal, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 28 February 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marne–Rhine_Canal ; May, David Edwards, Canal de la Marne au Rhin, French Waterways, https://www.french-waterways.com/waterways/north-east/marne-rhin/

[32] Paris-Est–Strasbourg-Ville railway, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 14 June 2022, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paris-Est–Strasbourg-Ville_railway

Direction Générale des Ponts et Chaussées et des Chemins de Fer, Statistique centrale des chemins de fer. Chemins de fer français. Situation au 31 décembre 1869 (in French). Paris: Ministère des Travaux Publics, 1869, pp. 146–160

[33] Modified version of Map originally from ULamm, France1860railways.png, 24 Aug 2009, Wikimedia Commons, This page was last edited on 8 June 2022 , https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:France1860railways.png

[34] Affleck, Fred Norman, The Beginnings of Modern Transport in France: The Seine Valley, 1820 to 1860, PhD Thesis, London University, 1972, https://www.academia.edu/78049678/The_beginnings_of_modern_transport_in_France_the_Seine_Valley_1820_to_1860, Pages 30-42

[35] Paris–Le Havre railway, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 25 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paris–Le_Havre_railway

[36] Blanning, T.C.W., The Pursuit of Glory: The Five Revolutions that Made Modern Europe: 1648-1815, New York: The Penguin History of Europe, Page 8
https://a.co/6M2cl3v

See also:

Szostak, Rick, Role of Transportation in the Industrial Revolution: A Comparison of England and France. McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991. Pages 60 -90. Source: JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt8112c , also https://www.academia.edu/33825447/Rick_Szostak_The_Role_of_Transportation_in_the_Industrial_Revolution_A_Comparison_of_England_and_France

[37] Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Pages 186 – 187

[38] Kathi Gosz, A Look at Le Havre, a Less Known Port for German Emigrants, Oct 09, 2011, Village Life in Kreis Saarburg, Germany, Blog, http://19thcenturyrhinelandlive.blogspot.com/2011/10/look-at-le-havre-less-known-port-for.html?m=1 ;

Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Pages 186 – 187

[39] The Conestoga wagon , The Germans in America, European Reading Room, Prints and Photograph Division, The Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-24396.;

Jenny Ashcraft, Horse and Buggy: The Primary Means of Transportation in the 19th Century, July 17, 2019, Fishwrap: official blog of Newspapers.com, https://blog.newspapers.com/horse-and-buggy-the-primary-means-of-transportation-in-the-19th-century/ ;

Conestoga Wagon, National Museum of American History Behring center, The Smithsonian Institution, https://americanhistory.si.edu/collections/nmah_842999 ; https://www.loc.gov/rr/european/imde/images/wagon.jpg ;

Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Pages 186 – 187

[40] Covered wagons and the American frontier, October 23, 2012, National Museum of American History, Behring Center, Smithsonian Institution, https://americanhistory.si.edu/explore/stories/covered-wagons-and-american-frontier

Boyd, James D., An Investigation into the Structural Causes of German-American Mass Migration in the Nineteenth Century, Submitted for the award of PhD, History, Cardiff University 2013, Page 119 https://orca.cardiff.ac.uk/id/eprint/47612/1/2013boydjdphd.pdf

[41] unchartedadam, Conestoga Wagon: Century Strong Ship of Inland Commerce, June 19, 2019, https://unchartedlancaster.com/2019/06/19/conestoga-wagon-century-strong-ship-of-inland-commerce/

Hill, William E.. “prairie schooner”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 23 May. 2013, https://www.britannica.com/technology/prairie-schooner

Stewart, George R., The Prairie Schooner Got Them There, American Heritage, Februar 1962, Vol 13, Issue 2, https://www.americanheritage.com/prairie-schooner-got-them-there

[42] What is the Difference between a Conestoga Wagon and a Prairie Schooner, The National Oregon / California Trail Center, https://oregontrailcenter.org/blog/what-is-the-difference-between-a-conestoga-wagon-and-a-prairie-schooner/

[43] Blanning, T.C.W., The Pursuit of Glory: The Five Revolutions that Made Modern Europe: 1648-1815, New York: The Penguin History of Europe, Page 8
https://a.co/6M2cl3v

[44] “Depuis que les grandes routes sont refaites et relativement bien entretenues dans toute l’etendue du royaume, le voyage en voiture n’y est plus tout a fait une aventure. Certes, son cout eleve en fait toujours le mode de transport des seules classes aisees, mais, au sein de celles-ci, ii se vulgarise en quelque sorte. … L’on assiste aussi a une uniformisation des vitesses journalières qui fait ressembler la carte a une toile d’araignée presque régulière. La plupart des villes qui fondent aujourd’hui la « grande couronne » de Paris ne sont plus qu’a une grande journée de voyage en 1780. 

Arbellot, Guy “La grande mutation des routes de France au XVIIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 28/3. 1973, Pages 776 – 777., https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1973_num_28_3_293381

[45] This estimate is based on the total length of the wagon trip being roughly 400 miles and assuming it took an average of 15 miles a day in a wagon.

[46] “The diligence, a solidly built stagecoach with four or more horses, was the French vehicle for public conveyance with minor varieties in Germany such as the Stellwagen and Eilwagen.”

Stagecoach, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 18 March 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stagecoach

Geri Walton, Diligence Coach: How People Traveled in It in France, Unique Histories from the 18th and 19th centuries, March 24, 2014, Blog, https://www.geriwalton.com/diligence-coac/

[47] Jenny Ashcraft, Horse and Buggy: The Primary Means of Transportation in the 19th Century, July 17, 2019, Fishwrap: official blog of Newspapers.com, https://blog.newspapers.com/horse-and-buggy-the-primary-means-of-transportation-in-the-19th-century/

[48] “The usual average rate of travel with such wagons on the Oregon Trail was about 2 miles (3.2 km) per hour, and the average distance covered each day was about 15 to 20 miles (24 to 32 km)”

Hill, William E.. “prairie schooner”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 23 May. 2013, https://www.britannica.com/technology/prairie-schooner 

Hill, William E.. “prairie schooner”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 23 May. 2013, https://www.britannica.com/technology/prairie-schooner

Stewart, George R., The Prairie Schooner Got Them There, American Heritage, Februar 1962, Vol 13, Issue 2, https://www.americanheritage.com/prairie-schooner-got-them-there

[49] “The covered wagon made 8 to 20 miles per day depending upon weather, roadway conditions and the health of the travelers.”

Ricki Longfellow, Wagons West, June 27, 2017, Highway History, Federal Highway Administration, U.S. Department of Transportation, https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/infrastructure/back0307.cfm

“The average speed was about two miles an hour” 

Covered Wagon Facts & History: Lesson for Kids, Study.com, https://study.com/academy/lesson/covered-wagon-facts-history-lesson-for-kids.html 

“A Conestoga wagon, pulled by a team of six draft horses, averaged 15 miles a day. Trains were faster, smoother, and less expensive to ride than the stagecoach.”

Traveling on the National Road, Fort Necessity National Battlefield, Friendship Hill National Historic Site,  National Park Service,   https://www.nps.gov/articles/national-road-travel.htm

[50] Source of photograph: unchartedadam, Conestoga Wagon: Century Strong Ship of Inland Commerce, June 19, 2019, https://unchartedlancaster.com/2019/06/19/conestoga-wagon-century-strong-ship-of-inland-commerce/

[51] Stagecoach – European , Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 18 March 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stagecoach

[52] Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Page 186

Source: reproduction of this engraving are found in various sources. For example : Birds eye view of Le Havre, France (engraving) by German School, 19th century; Private Collection; Illustration from Illustrierte Zeitung (Leipzig, 21 January 1871). Media Storehouse, https://www.mediastorehouse.com/fine-art-finder/artists/german-school/birds-eye-view-le-havre-france-engraving-22568876.html

[54] “Dans la premiere moitie du XIX siecle, les emigrants allemands viennent surtout du sud-ouest de I’ Allemagne et sont pousses par la crise agraire de 1816-1817, la crise economique de 1830 et la vague revolutionnaire de 1848, ou plutot son reflux, qui fait culminer le flux migratoire (240 000 departs en 1854).”

Braunstein, Jean, L’émigration allemande par le port du Havre au XIXe siècle (German Emigration through the Port of Le Havre in the 19th Century), Table: Emigrants Allemands Embarques Au Havre (1830 – 1870), Annales de Normandie, 1984, Page 96, https://www.persee.fr/doc/annor_0003-4134_1984_num_34_1_6382

[55] Beckert, Sven, Empire of Cotton: A Global History, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014, Page 205

[56] Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Page 186

[57] Glazier, Ira, Ed., Germans to America Series II: Lists of Passengers Arriving at U.S. ports in the 1840s, Volume 6 April 1848 – October 1848, Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, Inc 2003, Page xii

[58] Des villages de Cassini aux communes d’aujourd’hui: Commune data sheet Le Havre, EHESS (in French). http://cassini.ehess.fr/fr/html/fiche.php?select_resultat=16833

[59] Gregory Saillard, Discovery of an unknown daguerreotype from old Le Havre: “The quai de la Citadelle circa 1845-1848” , 11 Jan 2023, The Classic, https://theclassicphotomag.com/discovery-daguerreotype-le-havre/

Seaports – Sea Captains, The Maritime Heritage Project – San Francisco 1846 – 1899, Home Port, France: La Havre https://www.maritimeheritage.org/ports/France-Le-Havre.html

[60] Marcus Lee Hansen, The Atlantic Migration 1607 – 1860. Cambridge, Massachusettes: Harvard University Press, 1941, Page 188

[61] Gregory Saillard, Discovery of an unknown daguerreotype from old Le Havre: “The quai de la Citadelle circa 1845-1848” , 11 Jan 2023, The Classic, https://theclassicphotomag.com/discovery-daguerreotype-le-havre/

[62] Marcus Lee Hansen, The Atlantic Migration 1607 – 1860. Cambridge, Massachusettes: Harvard University Press, 1941, Page 187

[63] En Ligne Carte de France de l’Etat-Major, Géoportal Maps, République Française , https://www.geoportail.gouv.fr/carte 

[64] Beckert, Sven, Empire of Cotton: A Global History, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014, Pages 95, 148, 202, 205, 211 – 212, 216

See also: Dunham, Arthur L. “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860.” The Economic History Review, vol. 1, no. 2, 1928, pp. 281–307. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2590336

[65] “En 1852, 63 % des 72 325 emigrants embarques au Havre sont des Allemands. Ce chiffre s’eleve meme a 78,5 %, soit 54 000 emigrants allemands, en 1853. L’ emigration allemande par le port du Havre a atteint alors un sommet qui ne sera plus depasse.”

Braunstein, Jean, L’émigration allemande par le port du Havre au XIXe siècle, Table: Emigrants Allemands Embarques Au Havre (1830 – 1870), Annales de Normandie, 1984, Page 97, https://www.persee.fr/doc/annor_0003-4134_1984_num_34_1_6382

[66] Braunstein, Jean, L’émigration allemande par le port du Havre au XIXe siècle, Table: Emigrants Allemands Embarques Au Havre (1830 – 1870), Annales de Normandie, 1984, Page 101, https://www.persee.fr/doc/annor_0003-4134_1984_num_34_1_6382

[67] Boyd, James D., An Investigation into the Structural Causes of German-American Mass Migration in the Nineteenth Century, Submitted for the award of PhD, History, Cardiff University 2013, Page 118,  https://orca.cardiff.ac.uk/id/eprint/47612/1/2013boydjdphd.pdf ; Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration, 1607 – 1860, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, Pages 187

The Impact of Diphtheria in the late 1800s

William J. Griffis and Charlotte Wetherbee married when they were teenagers in January 1870. William was one year younger than his bride. He was eighteen years old. The young couple moved in with Charlotte’s mother and father, Thomas Wetherbee and Eunice (Clark) Wetherbee. When they got married, Charlotte’s father was 61 years old. He was twenty years older than his wife Eunice, who was 41. [1] Thomas Wetherbee was a farmer and carpenter in the Mayfield, New York area. He built his farm house and a local school house in Mayfield, New York. [2]


William J. Griffis was the son of William Gates Griffis. William G. Griffis was the son of Daniel Griffis. Daniel Griffis is my great great great grandfather. Another son of Daniel’s was Joel Griffis. Joel is my great great grandfather and brother of William G. Griffis. William J. Griffis is my 1st cousin 4x removed.


The young couple quickly started a family. They had three daughters within four years after their marriage. It appeared life was going well for the extended family on the farm and particularly the young couple, working on the farm and raising a young, growing family.

Within four years, the farm household contained three generations of family members. The young couple lived with Charlotte’s parents as well as one of her sisters, Carrie Wetherbee (age 26), and her maternal grandfather, Archibald Clark, who was 77. Young William worked with his father-in-law on the farm.

Table One: William and Charlotte’s Daughters in the first Four Years of Their Marriage

ChildrenBirth Date
Florence Eliza GriffisMay 1, 1871
Annie Grace GriffisSeptember 1, 1872
Carrie Esther GriffisMarch 4, 1874

A Dark Time: The Winter of 1874 through the Spring of 1875

Beginning in December of 1874 through May the following year, the world of this young Griffis family, and the extended Wetherbee family living on the farm, was radically altered.

As reflected in table two, their two youngest daughters, Annie and Carrie, died within two weeks of each other in December, before and after the Christmas holiday. Annie was two and a half years old and Carrie was nine months old. Then, five months later, toward the end of May in 1875, their oldest and only surviving daughter, Florence, passed away 23 days after her fourth birthday. In the matter of five months, their young family was entirely gone. [3]

Table Two: The Winter of 1874 and the Spring of 1975

ChildrenBirth DateDeathAge
Florence Eliza GriffisMay 1, 1871May 24, 18754 Years
Annie Grace GriffisSeptember 1, 1872December 17, 18742 Years & 2.5 Months
Carrie Esther GriffisMarch 4, 1874December 30, 18749 Months

The death of a child is devastating regardless of time period. It is often referred to as the worst experience a parent can endure. A child’s death can cause a profound family crisis. It shatters core beliefs and assumptions about the world and the expectations about how life should unfold. Losing multiple young children is beyond comprehension or feeling. It is pan and loss that undoubtably makes the mind and soul numb. To loose all of their young children must have been devastating for the young couple as well as the extended family.

The cause of the untimely death of the three young sisters within a six month period was attributed to diphtheria. [4] Their deaths from diphtheria were not isolated cases. A serious epidemic of diphtheria resulted in many deaths in the Mayfield – Broadalbin area in the 1870s. [5]

The Diphtheria Epidemic of the 1870’s

This epidemic reflected a larger trend in the nation. Starting around 1870, the number of diphtheria deaths nationwide began to increase. For example, (f)or the nine years from 1869 to 1878, Michigan held its own, averaging 229 deaths a year due to diphtheria. In 1878 that number spiked to 887.” [6]

“In 1875, the 243-person death toll from diphtheria comprised 8.2% of all reported deaths (in Cleveland, Ohio). As was typical of the disease, children comprised most of the mortalities.” [7]

A map shows the deaths from diphtheria in New York City from May 1, 1874 to December 31, 1875, suggesting diphtheria was prevalent in the city in the mid-1870s [8]

Map Showing Deaths from Diphtheria in the City of New York December 31, 1875

In Geneva, New York, which was about 170 miles west of Mayfield, a diphtheria epidemic occurred from September 1878 to March 1879, with over 400 residents falling ill and at least 75 people, mostly children, dying. This provides a glimpse of the impact of diphtheria in one upstate NY town in the late 1870s. [9]

As reflected in a special section of the 1880 census, diphtheria was notably present in the northern part of New York state. Forty to fifty deaths per 1,000 deaths were attributable to Diphtheria in Fulton County, where the Griffis family lived. Just north and east of Fulton county, the rate was over 100 diphtheria deaths per 1,000 deaths. [10]

The Proportion of Deaths from Diphtheria to Total of Deaths from Known Causes by County 1880

Click for Larger View | Tenth U.S. Federal Census

Diphtheria: the Strangling Angel of Children

Click for Larger View | Source: Wellcome Collection [11]

Called the “strangling angel of children,”  [12] diphtheria was and is a serious bacterial infection caused by corynebacterium diphtheriae. It usually affects the mucous membranes of the nose and throat. It typically causes a sore throat, fever, a barking cough like croup, swollen glands and weakness. The hallmark sign of the disease is the development of a sheet of thick, gray material covering the back of the throat which can block the airway, causing the patient to struggle for breath. Often death came only a few days or even just hours after the onset of symptoms.

“Diphtheria (Corynebacterium diphtheriae), an acute bacterial infection spread by personal contact, was the most feared of all childhood diseases. Diphtheria may be documented back to ancient Egypt and Greece, but severe recurring outbreaks begin only after 1700. One of every ten children infected died from this disease. Symptoms ranged from severe sore throat to suffocation due to a ‘false membrane’ covering the larynx. The disease primarily affected children under the age of 5. Until treatment became widely available in the 1920s, the public viewed this disease as a death sentence.” [13]

Diphtheria was known by several different names before it was officially named in 1826. In England in the early 1800s, it was known as “Boulogne sore throat,” as the illness had spread from France. [14] In 1826, French physician Pierre Bretonneau gave the disease its official name “diphthérite” (from Greek diphthera meaning ‘leather’), describing the appearance of the pseudomembrane that forms in the throat. He was the first to accurately describe the disease. [15]

Diphtheria existed and caused epidemics in the 1700s and early 1800s. Before its official discovery, diphtheria was prevalent in eighteenth and nineteenth century society. Between 1735 and 1740, a diphtheria epidemic in the New England colonies was thought to be responsible for the death of 80 percent of children under 10 years of age in select towns. [16]

The mortality rate from diphtheria in the 1800s was very high, especially among children. Diphtheria was the most feared of all childhood diseases in the 1800s. One of every ten children infected died from this disease. [17] Diphtheria case fatality rates ranged from about 20% for those under age five and over age 40, to 5-10% for those aged 5-40 years. [18]

Diphtheria: The Strangling of Children [19]

Life Continues in the Griffis Family

In an era before grief counseling and support groups, parents coped for the loss of children by relying primarily on their faith, their families, and the cultural scripts for mourning. While the outward rituals could not erase their sorrow, they provided a socially sanctioned way for parents to honor their children’s memory and slowly heal from heartbreaking losses.

We have no records to document how William and Charlotte handled the magnitude of their loss. It undoubtably had a profound impact on their lives.

Despite their loss of three daughters, as reflected in table three, they had eventually had their fourth child, George Griffis, in the fall of 1876, about 16 months after the death of Carrie Esther Griffis. After George, their first son, they had three additional daughters and two other sons.

Table Three: William & Charlotte’s Remaining Children

NameBirth
Date
Years
Between
Each Birth
Death
Date
George William GriffisOct 8, 187616 mos* May 13, 1962
Lura Elizabeth GriffisMay 13, 187929 mosDec 11, 1943
Grace Lavina GriffisJul 3, 188336 mosJan 31, 1958
Addie Bell GriffisNov 28, 188416 mosApr 2, 1975
James Garfield GriffisApr 2, 188729 mosNov 28, 1947
Byron Dewill GriffisSep 7, 189041 mosJun 4, 1983
* This figure represents the time between the death of Carrie and the birth of George.

Childhood Disease in the late 1800s

Losing multiple young children sadly was a common experience for parents in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Child mortality rates were substantially higher than they are in the 21st century. Various factors contributed to high child mortality rates, including infectious diseases, poor sanitation, limited medical knowledge, and inadequate healthcare. In the late nineteenth century, epidemics of cholera, typhus, yellow fever, smallpox, whooping cough and diphtheria claimed many lives, and endemic infectious diseases took a significant toll on infants and young children. [20]

As reflected in the chart below, the child mortality rate in the United States, for children under the age of five, was 316.5 deaths per thousand births in 1870. This means that for every thousand babies born in 1870, over 32 percent did not make it to their fifth birthday. The child mortality rate in 1875 was 325.81. It was not util 1880 that the overall child mortality rate started to drop.

Over the course of the next 150 years, “this number has dropped drastically, and the rate has dropped to its lowest point ever in 2020 where it is just seven deaths per thousand births. Although the child mortality rate has decreased greatly over this 220 year period, there were two occasions where it increased; in the 1870s, as a result of the fourth cholera pandemic, smallpox outbreaks, and yellow fever, and in the late 1910s, due to the Spanish Flu pandemic.” [21]

Child Mortality Rate (Under Five Years Old) in the United States, from 1800 to 2020

In the late 1800s, the most common infectious diseases causing child mortality were primarily due to a range of bacterial and viral pathogens. During the 1870s, child mortality in New York state, as in much of the United States, was significantly influenced by a range of infectious diseases. The most common diseases causing child mortality during this period included: [22]

  • Tuberculosis: Often referred to as consumption, tuberculosis was a leading cause of death in the 19th century, affecting individuals of all ages, including children. It was particularly deadly in urban areas like New York City, where crowded living conditions facilitated the spread of the disease.
  • Diarrheal Diseases: Diarrheal diseases, including cholera infantum and dysentery, were prevalent causes of death among infants and young children. Poor sanitation and contaminated water supplies contributed to outbreaks of these diseases, which could lead to severe dehydration and death.
  • Diphtheria: Known for causing severe respiratory issues, diphtheria was a significant cause of child mortality in this time perod and was a major cause of child mortality in the 1800s in general. The disease, as discussed, is characterized by the formation of a thick coating in the throat and airways, leading to breathing difficulties, heart failure, and paralysis.
  • Scarlet Fever: Caused by the Streptococcus bacteria, scarlet fever was a common childhood illness that could lead to serious complications and death. Symptoms included a high fever, sore throat, and a distinctive red rash.
  • Measles: Highly contagious, measles led to numerous deaths among children, particularly in densely populated areas. Complications from measles could include pneumonia, encephalitis, and blindness.
  • Whooping Cough (Pertussis): Whooping cough was another highly contagious bacterial infection that caused severe coughing fits and was particularly deadly for infants and young children.

The Burial of the Three Daughters

William and Charlotte buried their three daughters in graves on the farm. It appears that they were unmarked or the headstones were not present in the mid 1930s. Their burial was documented in the notes of Mayfield Historian Edward Ruliffson in 1935 on “Missing Burying Grounds”. In a terse one sentence statement it is noted that there were a few graves, possibly children, that were identified on the farm of W. J. Griffis. [23]

“Burying Ground on farm of W. J. Griffis Few graves, May have been children.”

Ruliffson’s Notes on Missing Burying Grounds in Mayfield

It was not uncommon for families in rural areas in the 1800s to bury their dead in family plots on farmland. In many rural areas, it was common for families to bury their deceased on their own land, often on a hilltop or another chosen spot within the family property. These family burial grounds served as the final resting places for multiple generations.

The transition from burying the dead on family plots to using cemeteries in America was a gradual process that evolved over several centuries, with significant changes occurring in the nineteenth century. Initially, burials in America followed the practices of burying the dead in small, family-owned plots or in churchyards. The concept of cemeteries as we know them today began to take shape in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. [24]

The 1700s saw the beginning of cemeteries and graveyards, with Americans organizing burial grounds and marking the burial places of their dead with headstone and monuments. However, it was not until the late nineteenth century that the ‘modern cemetery’ was born. These were public burial spaces designed to be inviting so that families could come and spend time visiting their loved ones. This shift was partly due to practical reasons, such as the need for more space and concerns about sanitation in growing urban areas, and partly due to changing attitudes towards death and mourning. [25]

It would not have been surprising to find family burial plots on the Griffis farm. However, there were only three graves on the Griffis family land. The family owned the farmland for at least three generations. As reflected in table four, aside from three unmarked graves, no other family members who lived on the property were buried on near the three graves. Archibald Clark, Eunice’s father, was buried, along with his wife and other Clark family members at the West Galway Cemetery. William J. Griffis was buried next to his wide Charlotte on the Wetherbee cemetery plot in the Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery.

Table Four: Burial Locations of Immediate Members of Griffis and Wetherbee Family [26]

Family MemberDate of DeathBurial Location
Thomas Wetherbee24 Mar 1879Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery
Eunice Wetherbee14 Apr 1899Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery
Archibald Clark24 May 1881West Galway Cemetery
William J. Griffis28 May 1940Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery
Charlotte Griffis19 Feb 1939Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery

Overall, the burial practices for children who died from diphtheria in the 1870s were shaped by the urgent need to control the spread of the disease, the economic resources of the affected families, and the prevailing cultural and religious practices related to death and mourning.

Burial practices for children who died from diphtheria in the 1870s varied depending on local customs, the severity of the epidemic in the area, and the resources of the community and family affected. Many of the traditional customs for burial and mourning were not practiced if family members died from diphtheria due to the possibility of contagion.

Various sources suggest a number of general practices and challenges associated with burials of loved ones whose deaths were attributed to diphtheria :

  • Immediate and Isolated Burials: Due to the infectious nature of diphtheria and the rapid deterioration of the bodies, burials often occurred quickly after death. There was a concern about preventing the spread of the disease, which sometimes led to more isolated burial sites or sections within cemeteries designated for victims of infectious diseases. [27]
  • Use of Disinfectants and Precautions: In some cases, communities took precautions to prevent the spread of the disease during the burial process. This included the use of disinfectants in the sick-room and around the deceased’s belongings. There was an awareness of the need to handle the bodies and belongings of the deceased with care to avoid further transmission of the disease. [28]
  • Simple and Private Ceremonies: The fear of spreading the disease often led to simpler and more private funeral ceremonies, with limited attendance. The focus was on quick interment to reduce the risk of exposure to the living . [29]
  • Impact on Family and Community Burial Practices: The high mortality rate among children due to diphtheria epidemics had a profound impact on family and community burial practices. In some cases, multiple children from the same family or community were buried in close succession, which could lead to the establishment of specific areas within cemeteries for diphtheria victims or even the creation of new burial grounds. [30]
  • Economic and Emotional Strain: The cost of burials and the emotional toll of losing children to diphtheria affected families and communities. The economic strain could influence the type of burial and memorialization possible for the deceased. [31]

Treatment of Diphtheria in the Late 1900s into the 1900s

The discovery and development of a diphtheria antitoxin unfortunately occurred fifteen years after the death of the three Griffis sisters.

The treatment of diphtheria in the 19th century transitioned from rudimentary and often desperate measures to more scientific and effective approaches. The Griffis daughters succumbed to diphtheria before the advent of antitoxin and vaccines. The remedies used for diphtheria were quite varied and often based on limited medical knowledge and personal experience rather than scientific evidence. Some of the treatments and remedies included the use of disinfectants, gargling with Kerosene Oil, Calomel treatments and opium laced herbal formulas. [32]

The following is an example of the many advertisements that were prevalent in local newspapers in the 1870s for remedies that purported cured or provided relief from Diphtheria.

Geneva, New York Daily Gazette, 4 January 1878 Page 3 – Cures for Diphtheria

Click for Larger View | Source: Smithsonian [33]

These treatments were largely symptomatic and aimed at managing the airway obstruction caused by the pseudomembrane. The actual effectiveness of these remedies was limited, and the mortality rate from diphtheria remained high until the development of antitoxin therapy in the 1890s.

Many patient medicines were advertised, such as Dr. Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy (to the left). Medical regulation was less stringent and many of these medicines were used before the development of more effective treatments and vaccines for diphtheria. These types of remedies were often advertised widely but their effectiveness was typically unproven and they sometimes contained harmful substances.

The history of diphtheria treatment is characterized by three inventions—tracheotomy, intubation and serum therapy. These three intervention approaches were introduced between the 1840s and the 1890s. The development of antitoxin therapy was a pivotal moment, offering a real cure for the first time and paving the way for future advances in vaccines and public health strategies to combat the disease.

Until the turn of the 20th century, treatment options were limited. In order to try to save a patient from suffocation by the pseudomembrane, doctors performed tracheotomy or intubation procedures. Before the development of more specific treatments, tracheotomy was one of the few available interventions for diphtheria. This surgical procedure involved cutting an opening in the trachea to insert a tube, allowing air to bypass the obstructed or narrowed part of the throat. Despite its use, tracheotomy was a risky procedure with a high mortality rate due to complications such as infection. [34]

Developed by Dr. Joseph O’Dwyer in the 1880s, intubation was a less invasive alternative to tracheotomy. It involved inserting a tube into the larynx to keep the airway open without the need for an incision. O’Dwyer’s intubation technique became a critical life-saving intervention for diphtheria patients with obstructed airways. [35]

Intubation Kit

Click for Larger View

The set contains: 7 hard rubber O’ Dwyer tubes with metal obturators; One O’ Dwyer’s improved scale, an introducer; a intubation tube extractor; and one Denhardt’s mouth gag. “ORIGINAL MANUFACTURER OF DR. JOSEPH O’DWYER’S INTUBATION INSTRUMENTS FOR THE LARYNX”. A label on the interior lid reads “GEORGE EMROLD / MF’R of / SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS / 312 & 314 E 22 ST. NY.”

“Known familiarly as O’ Dwyer’s intubation tubes, sets came equipped with thin tubes made of metal or hard rubber of varying sizes, a scale for determining the correct size tube to be used, a mouth gag, an introducer for placing the tube down the throat, and an extractor, a forceps-like instrument for removing the tube.Inserting the tubes was a two person procedure. A thread is passed through the hole in the tube. The child is held in an upright position by the assistant holding the head back. A mouth gag paced in the mouth, and the doctor inserts the tube down the throat. Once the tube is in place the introducer is removed.” [36]

The discovery and development of diphtheria antitoxin in the 1890s marked a significant breakthrough in the treatment of diphtheria. Emil von Behring and Shibasaburō Kitasato’s work on immunizing animals with heat-treated diphtheria toxin and using their serum as an antitoxin for treatment was groundbreaking. This antitoxin, derived from the blood of immunized animals, neutralized the diphtheria toxin and could cure the disease in affected individuals. The introduction of antitoxin therapy dramatically improved the survival rates of diphtheria patients. [37]

The efficacy of serum therapy was further established through controlled trials and methodological advancements in medical research. Johannes Fibiger’s work in the late nineteenth century, which involved treating every other patient with serum and comparing outcomes, was an early example of a more rigorous approach to evaluating treatments. This helped solidify the role of serum therapy in treating diphtheria. [38]

Anti-Diphtheritic Serum No. 3, 1898 [39]

The widespread use of diphtheria vaccines would not occur until the 20th century. The development of the diphtheria toxoid vaccine in the 1920s was based on earlier research into antitoxin and toxin production. Vaccination campaigns in the early 20th century significantly reduced the incidence of diphtheria. [40]

Diphtheria Toxoid (Anatoxin-Ramon) Bio. 2100 – Diphtheria Prophylactic – Two Doses for One Person [41]

Biological, vaccine, diphtheria. MG.M-04668.

Sources

Feature Photograph: The feature photograph of this story is an amalgam of: (1) Notes on Missing Burial Grounds in Mayfield County by the Reverend Edward Ruliffson Mayfield Historian in the 1930s; (2) A list of the children of William J. Griffis and Charlotte (Wetherbee) Griffis; (3) a poem written by a mother who lost a child to diphtheria in the late 1870s (see below); (4) an illustration of a young girl suffering from diphtheria,.

(1) Notes on Missing Burial Grounds in Mayfield County by the Reverend Edward Ruliffson, Mayfield Historian in the 1930s, documents were shared by the Mayfield historian Eric Close, PDF Copy

(2) Children of William J. Griffis and Charlotte Wetherbee Griffis and their spouses:

(3) “For Addie Mehwalt, Age 2 Years, 7 months Alex and Mary Mehwalt, a young Santa Cruz couple, were so devastated by the death of their daughter that they found it necessary to move away from the area to contain their grief. They left behind one of the most beautiful poems in this collection.”

Reader, Phil. “Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78.” Santa Cruz, CA: Cliffside Publishing, 1993. SCPL Local History. https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/items/show/134500

(4) Cooper, Richard Tennant, Watercolor, Ghostly Skeleton trying to strangle a sick child Wellcome Collection, Reference Wellcome Collection 24006i, Reference Note: Robert E. Greenspan, Medicine: perspectives in history and art, Alexandria, Va.: Ponteverde Press, 2006, p. 319 (reproduced) https://wellcomecollection.org/works/mff3hsaw

One of several paintings commissioned by Henry S. Wellcome around 1912 from Richard Cooper, who was then working in Paris. Cooper was educated at Tonbridge and then trained as an artist in Paris before the First World War. In 1914 he joined the British Army and in 1916 was transferred to the Royal Engineers. His obituary in The times says that he worked on camouflage with Solomon J. Solomon RA as well as acting as official war artist for The graphic. After the war he enjoyed a flourishing career as a graphic artist designing posters: he is particularly well known for his advertisements for the London Underground

A ghostly skeleton trying to strangle a sick child; representing diphtheria. Watercolour by R. Cooper. Wellcome Collection. Public Domain Mark. Source: Wellcome Collection.


[1] 1870 United States Federal census, New York, Fulton County, Mayfield, July 7, 1870, Page 258, Lines 16-21

Household of Thomas Wetherbee – 1870

[2] Personal notes by Mayfield town historian Edward Ruliffson, 1935. See footnote 12 in the April 2, 2024 story, Recent Discoveries from Oral History Compiled by a Local Mayfield Historian – Part II

[3] For a period of time, I was not certain was to why I was unable to find historical documentation on the first three daughters of William and Charlotte Griffis. See the following sources that discuss the challenges of tracing female ancestors in the United States.

Linda Clyde, Ever Wonder Why It’s So Hard to Trace Your Female Ancestry?, April 26, 2017, FamilySearch Blog, https://www.familysearch.org/en/blog/ever-wonder-why-its-so-hard-to-trace-your-female-ancestry

Candice Buchanan, Female Ancestors: Finding Women in Local History and Genealogy, Research Guides, Updated February 13, 2024, Library of Congress, https://guides.loc.gov/female-ancestors

I came upon newsletters for the interchange of genealogical data and history of the Weatherbee or Wetherbee (and variant spellings) families in America. Some early ancestors immigrated to the United States from England in the 1600’s. I was able to find terse yet direct confirmation of the early deaths and causes of death for the three daughters .

Carl & Lucile Weatherbee (with additional authors for specific family lines and queries), Weatherbee Round-up : A newsletter for all Weatherbee descendants, Volume 25, No. 4 July/Aug 1991 page 144 ; See Weatherbee round-up : a newsletter for all Weatherbee descendants, FamilySearch, https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/2262?availability=Family%20History%20Library

Carrie Esther Griffis, Geneanet, Born March 4, 1874, Deceased December 30, 1874, aged 9 months old, https://gw.geneanet.org/weterb1?lang=en&p=carrie+esther&n=griffis

Annie Grace Griffis, Geneanet, Born September 1, 1872, Deceased December 17, 1874, aged 2 years old, https://gw.geneanet.org/weterb1?lang=en&p=annie+grace&n=griffis

Florence Eliza Griffis, Geneanet,  Born May 1, 1871, Deceased May 24, 1875, aged 4 years old, https://gw.geneanet.org/weterb1?lang=en&p=florence+eliza&n=griffis

[4] Ibid

[5] R. J. Honeywell, Updated 13-May-2008, Broadalbin in History, http://www.fulton.nygenweb.net/history/Broadhist1907a.html

[6] Beth Gruber, Marquette’s 1878 diphtheria epidemic, Jul 5, 2023, The Mining Journal, https://www.miningjournal.net/news/superior_history/2023/07/marquettes-1878-diphtheria-epidemic-2/

[7] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, post based upon the Dittrick Museum Diphtheria Exhibit, guest curated by Cicely Schonberg, Dittrick Meidcal History center Blog, College of Arts and Sciences, Case Western Reserve University, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[8] Map Showing Deaths from Diphtheria in the City of New York December 31, 1875, Pictures of life and character in New York, Page. 36. National Library of Medicine, Digital Collections, National Institute of Health, https://collections.nlm.nih.gov/catalog/nlm:nlmuid-101425218-img http://resource.nlm.nih.gov/101425218

Thomas R. Frieden, Public Health in New York City: 200 Years of Leadership , Tjhe New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, 2005, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/bicentennial/historical-booklet.pdf

[9] “By April 1879 at least 75 people, mostly children, lost their lives. Over 400 of the village’s residents fell ill with the disease between September 1878 and March 1879. Whole families became sick, and a few parents lost all of their children to the disease. “

Anne Dealy, Diphtheria Epidemic, September 27, 2013, Historic Geneva Blog, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

[10] Brian Altonen, The 1890 Census Disease Maps, Blog on Public Health, Medicine and History, https://brianaltonenmph.com/gis/more-historical-disease-maps/1890-the-1890-census-disease-maps/

[11] “One of several paintings commissioned by Henry S. Wellcome around 1912 from Richard Cooper, who was then working in Paris. Cooper was educated at Tonbridge and then trained as an artist in Paris before the First World War. In 1914 he joined the British Army and in 1916 was transferred to the Royal Engineers. His obituary in The times says that he worked on camouflage with Solomon J. Solomon RA as well as acting as official war artist for The graphic. After the war he enjoyed a flourishing career as a graphic artist designing posters: he is particularly well known for his advertisements for the London Underground.”

Cooper, Richard Tennant, Watercolor, Ghostly Skeleton trying to strangle a sick child Wellcome Collection, Reference Wellcome Collection 24006i, Reference Note: Robert E. Greenspan, Medicine: perspectives in history and art, Alexandria, Va.: Ponteverde Press, 2006, p. 319 (reproduced) https://wellcomecollection.org/works/mff3hsaw

[12] Michael Dwyer, Strangling Angel: Diphtheria and Childhood Immunization in Ireland, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2018

Foong Seong Kin, Mawaddah Azman, Bong Qi Yi, Yong Doh Jeing, Strangling angel of children- diphtheria: A case series of airway management and disease progress in diphtheria, International Journal of Pediatric Otorhinolaryngology Case Reports, Volume 25, 2019, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S2588910919300099?via%3Dihub

Byard, Roger W. Diphtheria – ‘The strangling angel’ of children. Journal of Forensic Legal Medicine, 2013 Feb; 20 (2): 65-8. doi: 10.1016/j.jflm.2012.04.006. Epub 2012 May 24.

Diphtheria ‘The Strangler’, Museum of Health Care at Kingston, https://www.museumofhealthcare.ca/explore/exhibits/vaccinations/diphtheria.html

Dwyer M. Introduction. In: Strangling Angel: Diphtheria and Childhood Immunization in Ireland. Reappraisals in Irish History. Liverpool University Press; 2017:1-12.

[13] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, post based upon the Dittrick Museum Diphtheria Exhibit, guest curated by Cicely Schonberg, Dittrick Medical History center Blog, College of Arts and Sciences, Case Western Reserve University, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

See also:

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

Margaret Putnam Brennen, The Diphtheria Epidemic of 1874-1876. August 19, 2016, The Golden Crescent: Stories from the History of Lyme, NY, https://goldencrescent.weebly.com/home/category/diphtheria-epidemic

Perri Klass, How Science Conquered Diphtheria, the Plague Among Children, October 2021, Smithsonian Magazine, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/science-diphtheria-plague-among-children-180978572/

Ashley Hagen, The Toxin-Based Diseases Common in North America during the 1600-1700s, July 5, 2019, American Society of Microbiology, https://asm.org/articles/2019/july/the-toxin-based-diseases-common-in-north-america-d

/

[14] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

[15] Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

[16] Caulfield, Ernest, “A True History of the Terrible Epidemic Vulgarly Called the Throat Distemper, Which Occurred in His Majesty’s New England Colonies between the Years 1735 and 1740.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol 6, No 2. p. 338., 1949

See also: Shulman, Stanford, The History of Pediatric Infectious Diseases , Pediatric Research. Vol. 55, No. 1, 2004

[17] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical Center Blog, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[18] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

[19] The Sutliff Museum, A Million Ways to Die in the 19th Century, YouTube Video, Last updated on May 8, 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=ePV-tu9y7cg ; www.sutliffmuseum.org Warren, Ohio

[20] Preston, Samuel H. and Michael R. Haines, The Social and Medical Context of Child Mortality in the Late Nineteenth Century, in Samuel H. Preston and Michael R. Haines, ed, Fatal Years: Child Mortality in Late Nineteenth-Century America, Princeton University Press, January 1999, Pages 3 – 48; Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/pres91-1 ; Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11541 

[21] Aaron O’Neill, Child mortality in the United States 1800-2020, Feb 2, 2024, Statista , https://www.statista.com/statistics/1041693/united-states-all-time-child-mortality-rate

[22] Diseases and epidemics of the 19th century, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 20 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diseases_and_epidemics_of_the_19th_century

Cholera, Virtual New York, Graduate cener, City of New York (CUNY), https://virtualny.ashp.cuny.edu/cholera/cholera_intro.html

Richard Plunz and Andrés Álvarez-Dávila, Density, Equity, and the History of Epidemics in New York City   State of the Planet, Columbia Climate School, June 30, 2020 , https://news.climate.columbia.edu/2020/06/30/density-equity-history-epidemics-nyc/

Echoes of Epidemics Past: Telling the Stories of New York’s Champions and Change Makers, April 24, 2020, Museum of the City of New York, https://www.mcny.org/story/echoes-epidemics-past

Shulman, Stanford T. The history of Pediatric Infectious Diseases. Pediatr Res. 2004 Jan;55(1):163-76. doi: 10.1203/01.PDR.0000101756.93542.09. Epub 2003 Nov 6. Erratum in: Pediatr Res. 2004 Jun;55(6):1069. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7086672/

Preston, Samuel H. and Michael R. Haines, The Social and Medical Context of Child Mortality in the Late Nineteenth Century, in Samuel H. Preston and Michael R. Haines, ed, Fatal Years: Child Mortality in Late Nineteenth-Century America, Princeton University Press, January 1999, Pages 3 – 48; Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/pres91-1 ; Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11541 

Lorna Ebner, Quarantine in Nineteenth-Century New York , April 14, 2020, History of Medicine and Public Health, New York Academy of Medicine Library Blog,  https://nyamcenterforhistory.org/2020/04/14/quarantine-in-nineteenth-century-new-york/ 

Nycole Neveol, Deadly Summers: Infant and Child Deaths in 19th Century Rochester, New York, State University of New York, Geneseo, https://knightscholar.geneseo.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1137&context=great-day-symposium 

Thomas R. Frieden, Public Health in New York City: 200 Years of Leadership , Tjhe New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, 2005, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/bicentennial/historical-booklet.pdf

Diseases and epidemics of the 19th century, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 20 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diseases_and_epidemics_of_the_19th_century

Condran, Gretchen A., and Harold R. Lentzner. “Early Death: Mortality among Young Children in New York, Chicago, and New Orleans.” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 34, no. 3, 2004, pp. 315–54. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3657041

Godias J. Drolet and Anthony M. Lowell,  A Half Century’s Progress Against Tuberculosis in New York City 1900 – 1950, New York Tuberculosis and health Association, 1952, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/tb/tb1900.pdf

Diseases and epidemics of the 19th century, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 20 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diseases_and_epidemics_of_the_19th_century 

[23] Notes on Missing Burial Grounds in Mayfield County by the Reverend Edward Ruliffson, Mayfield Historian in the 1930s, documents were shared by the Mayfield historian Eric Close, PDF Copy

[24] Wendy Chestnut , Burial customs differed at turn-of-the-century, April 11, 2024,  Williamsport Sun-Gazette, https://www.sungazette.com/news/top-news/2018/04/burial-customs-differed-at-turn-of-the-century/

Mattie Aguero, Evolution of American Funerary Customs and Laws, September 28, 2022, Library Congress Blogs , https://blogs.loc.gov/law/2022/09/evolution-of-american-funerary-customs-and-laws/

[25] Mattie Aguero, Evolution of American Funerary Customs and Laws, September 28, 2022, Library Congress Blogs , https://blogs.loc.gov/law/2022/09/evolution-of-american-funerary-customs-and-laws/

Burkette A. The Burial Ground: A Bridge Between Language And Culture. Journal of Linguistic Geography. 2015;3(2):60-71. doi:10.1017/jlg.2016.2 ; https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-linguistic-geography/article/burial-ground-a-bridge-between-language-and-culture/F7DFEB1AC003DB2575148448E0AF2782

[26] Sources for burial:

List of Wetherbee family member memorials found in Broadalbin-Mayfield Rural Cemetery: www.findagrave.com

https://www.findagrave.com/cemetery/261448/memorial-search?firstname=&middlename=&lastname=Wetherbee&cemeteryName=Broadalbin-Mayfield+Rural+Cemetery&birthyear=&birthyearfilter=&deathyear=&deathyearfilter=&memorialid=&mcid=&linkedToName=&datefilter=&orderby=r&plot=&page=1#sr-142246231

List of Griffis family member memorials found in Broadalbin-Mayfield Rural Cemetery: www.findagrave.com:

https://www.findagrave.com/cemetery/261448/memorial-search?firstname=&middlename=&lastname=Griffis&cemeteryName=Broadalbin-Mayfield+Rural+Cemetery&birthyear=&birthyearfilter=&deathyear=&deathyearfilter=&memorialid=&mcid=&linkedToName=&datefilter=&orderby=r&plot=

Archibald Clark, West Galway Cemetery, West Galway, Fulton County, Memorial ID: 29292190, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/29292190/a-clar

[27] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Phil Reader, Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78, Santa Cruz Public Libraries Local History, https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/ff77baa4aaefd6c8b03fdcda3d1a59ed.pdf

[28] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

[29] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[30] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Phil Reader, Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78, Santa Cruz Public Libraries Local History, https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/ff77baa4aaefd6c8b03fdcda3d1a59ed.pdf

[31] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Phil Reader, Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78, Santa Cruz Public Libraries Local History, https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/ff77baa4aaefd6c8b03fdcda3d1a59ed.pdf

[32] Use of Disinfectants: Druggist E. Maynard recommended the use of disinfectants in the sick-room and for all vessels containing secretions from the sick, which likely helped prevent the transmission of the disease. See Dealy, Ann, Diphtheria Epidemic, September 27, 2013, Historic Geneva Blog, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Gargling with Kerosene Oil: This was suggested as a cure, though it was not based on any scientific evidence and was likely ineffective or even harmful2. For example see: Medical Hints: DIPHTHERIA AND PETROLEUM, The Sacred Heart Review, Volume 11, Number 26, 19 May 1894, Newspaper records maintained by Boston College Libraries, https://newspapers.bc.edu/?a=d&d=BOSTONSH18940519-01.2.48&e=——-en-20–1–txt-txIN——- ; see also Young, D.W. , An Article on Malignant Diphtheia, with Report on Eleven Cases, The Chicago Medical Examiner Vol VI, No 1, Jan 1865 , https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9997272/pdf/chicmedex137054-0001.pdf

Calomel Treatment: Calomel, or mercurous chloride, was used as a treatment, though its efficacy and safety were questionable. See for example: Batten John M. , The Treatment of Diphtheria, Read before the Pennsylvania State Medical Society in May, 1892. JAMA. 1893; XX(15): Pages 406–408. doi:10.1001/jama.1893.02420420002001a https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/470168

[33] Dr. Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy was manufactured around the period of 1892 to 1920. This timeframe is indicated by the physical description note of the bottle that contained Dr. Shoop’s Family Medicine, which includes “Dr. Shoop’s Restorative” and is associated with the same Dr. C. Irving Shoop who had a large list of patent medicines. The bottle is dated circa 1892-1920, which suggests that Dr. Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy would have been produced within that same general time period.

See: Dr Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy, National Museum of American History, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/object/dr-shoops-diphtheria-remedy%3Anmah_716374

See also: Greer, David S., Guide to the Patent medicine bottle collection, 1850-1920, Box 3, Bottle 76 – Dr. Shoop’s Family Medicine, John Hay Library, University Archives and Manuscripts,Brown University, 2023, https://www.riamco.org/render?eadid=US-RPB-ms2008.002&view=all

Carters compound extract of smartweed was an Opium laced herbal formula that emerged in 1871. Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed was a medicinal product manufactured by the Brown Medicine Company in Erie, Pennsylvania. This product was part of the broader category of patent medicines that were popular in the United States during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Patent medicines, including Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed, were often advertised as cure-alls for a wide range of ailments and conditions.

The history of patent medicines like Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed is intertwined with the history of medicine and advertising in America. These products were typically sold directly to the public through advertisements in newspapers, magazines, and via traveling medicine shows. They were known for their bold claims and were often marketed as effective treatments for multiple unrelated diseases. One notable aspect of Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed, as with many patent medicines of the time, was its composition. The article from pressrepublican.com mentions that Carter’s Extract of Smartweed was an opium-laced herbal formula. This highlights a common practice of the era, where potent substances such as opium, alcohol, cocaine, and morphine were frequently included in the ingredients of patent medicines. These substances often contributed to the medicines’ effects, making them popular but also potentially dangerous.

See: Julie Robinson Robards, A dose of patent medicine history, Jul 16, 2012, Press-Republican, https://www.pressrepublican.com/news/lifestyles/a-dose-of-patent-medicine-history/article_fc67e7c5-e13b-5269-b8e6-3d6640f23064.html

[34] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, post based upon the Dittrick Museum Diphtheria Exhibit, guest curated by Cicely Schonberg, Dittrick Meidcal History center Blog, College of Arts and Sciences, Case Western Reserve University, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Dealy, Ann, Diphtheria Epidemic, September 27, 2013, Historic Geneva Blog, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

[35] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

[36] Intubation Kit, National Museum of American History, The Smithsonian Institution , Object Details, https://www.si.edu/object/intubation-kit:nmah_1090324

[37] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, the Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/spotlight/antibody-initiative/diphtheria

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

[38] Annick Opinel, Ulrich Tröhler, Christian Gluud, Gabriel Gachelin, George Davey Smith, Scott Harris Podolsky, Iain Chalmers, Commentary: The evolution of methods to assess the effects of treatments, illustrated by the development of treatments for diphtheria, 1825–1918, International Journal of Epidemiology, Volume 42, Issue 3, June 2013, Pages 662–676, https://doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyr162

[39] Anti-Diphtheritic Serum No. 3, 1898, In 1898, the Smithsonian museum collected from some of the earliest commercial antitoxin manufactured in America from Parke, Davis & Co.: Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, The Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/spotlight/antibody-initiative/diphtheria

[40] Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, the Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/spotlight/antibody-initiative/diphtheria

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical Center Blog, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[41] Diphtheria Toxoid (Anatoxin-Ramon) Bio. 2100 – Diphtheria Prophylactic – Two Doses for One Person, Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, The Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/object/diphtheria-toxoid-anatoxin-ramon-bio-2100-diphtheria-prophylactic-two-doses-one-person:nmah_716527