The Impact of Diphtheria in the late 1800s

William J. Griffis and Charlotte Wetherbee married when they were teenagers in January 1870. William was one year younger than his bride. He was eighteen years old. The young couple moved in with Charlotte’s mother and father, Thomas Wetherbee and Eunice (Clark) Wetherbee. When they got married, Charlotte’s father was 61 years old. He was twenty years older than his wife Eunice, who was 41. [1] Thomas Wetherbee was a farmer and carpenter in the Mayfield, New York area. He built his farm house and a local school house in Mayfield, New York. [2]


William J. Griffis was the son of William Gates Griffis. William G. Griffis was the son of Daniel Griffis. Daniel Griffis is my great great great grandfather. Another son of Daniel’s was Joel Griffis. Joel is my great great grandfather and brother of William G. Griffis. William J. Griffis is my 1st cousin 4x removed.


The young couple quickly started a family. They had three daughters within four years after their marriage. It appeared life was going well for the extended family on the farm and particularly the young couple, working on the farm and raising a young, growing family.

Within four years, the farm household contained three generations of family members. The young couple lived with Charlotte’s parents as well as one of her sisters, Carrie Wetherbee (age 26), and her maternal grandfather, Archibald Clark, who was 77. Young William worked with his father-in-law on the farm.

Table One: William and Charlotte’s Daughters in the first Four Years of Their Marriage

ChildrenBirth Date
Florence Eliza GriffisMay 1, 1871
Annie Grace GriffisSeptember 1, 1872
Carrie Esther GriffisMarch 4, 1874

A Dark Time: The Winter of 1874 through the Spring of 1875

Beginning in December of 1874 through May the following year, the world of this young Griffis family, and the extended Wetherbee family living on the farm, was radically altered.

As reflected in table two, their two youngest daughters, Annie and Carrie, died within two weeks of each other in December, before and after the Christmas holiday. Annie was two and a half years old and Carrie was nine months old. Then, five months later, toward the end of May in 1875, their oldest and only surviving daughter, Florence, passed away 23 days after her fourth birthday. In the matter of five months, their young family was entirely gone. [3]

Table Two: The Winter of 1874 and the Spring of 1975

ChildrenBirth DateDeathAge
Florence Eliza GriffisMay 1, 1871May 24, 18754 Years
Annie Grace GriffisSeptember 1, 1872December 17, 18742 Years & 2.5 Months
Carrie Esther GriffisMarch 4, 1874December 30, 18749 Months

The death of a child is devastating regardless of time period. It is often referred to as the worst experience a parent can endure. A child’s death can cause a profound family crisis. It shatters core beliefs and assumptions about the world and the expectations about how life should unfold. Losing multiple young children is beyond comprehension or feeling. It is pan and loss that undoubtably makes the mind and soul numb. To loose all of their young children must have been devastating for the young couple as well as the extended family.

The cause of the untimely death of the three young sisters within a six month period was attributed to diphtheria. [4] Their deaths from diphtheria were not isolated cases. A serious epidemic of diphtheria resulted in many deaths in the Mayfield – Broadalbin area in the 1870s. [5]

The Diphtheria Epidemic of the 1870’s

This epidemic reflected a larger trend in the nation. Starting around 1870, the number of diphtheria deaths nationwide began to increase. For example, (f)or the nine years from 1869 to 1878, Michigan held its own, averaging 229 deaths a year due to diphtheria. In 1878 that number spiked to 887.” [6]

“In 1875, the 243-person death toll from diphtheria comprised 8.2% of all reported deaths (in Cleveland, Ohio). As was typical of the disease, children comprised most of the mortalities.” [7]

A map shows the deaths from diphtheria in New York City from May 1, 1874 to December 31, 1875, suggesting diphtheria was prevalent in the city in the mid-1870s [8]

Map Showing Deaths from Diphtheria in the City of New York December 31, 1875

In Geneva, New York, which was about 170 miles west of Mayfield, a diphtheria epidemic occurred from September 1878 to March 1879, with over 400 residents falling ill and at least 75 people, mostly children, dying. This provides a glimpse of the impact of diphtheria in one upstate NY town in the late 1870s. [9]

As reflected in a special section of the 1880 census, diphtheria was notably present in the northern part of New York state. Forty to fifty deaths per 1,000 deaths were attributable to Diphtheria in Fulton County, where the Griffis family lived. Just north and east of Fulton county, the rate was over 100 diphtheria deaths per 1,000 deaths. [10]

The Proportion of Deaths from Diphtheria to Total of Deaths from Known Causes by County 1880

Click for Larger View | Tenth U.S. Federal Census

Diphtheria: the Strangling Angel of Children

Click for Larger View | Source: Wellcome Collection [11]

Called the “strangling angel of children,”  [12] diphtheria was and is a serious bacterial infection caused by corynebacterium diphtheriae. It usually affects the mucous membranes of the nose and throat. It typically causes a sore throat, fever, a barking cough like croup, swollen glands and weakness. The hallmark sign of the disease is the development of a sheet of thick, gray material covering the back of the throat which can block the airway, causing the patient to struggle for breath. Often death came only a few days or even just hours after the onset of symptoms.

“Diphtheria (Corynebacterium diphtheriae), an acute bacterial infection spread by personal contact, was the most feared of all childhood diseases. Diphtheria may be documented back to ancient Egypt and Greece, but severe recurring outbreaks begin only after 1700. One of every ten children infected died from this disease. Symptoms ranged from severe sore throat to suffocation due to a ‘false membrane’ covering the larynx. The disease primarily affected children under the age of 5. Until treatment became widely available in the 1920s, the public viewed this disease as a death sentence.” [13]

Diphtheria was known by several different names before it was officially named in 1826. In England in the early 1800s, it was known as “Boulogne sore throat,” as the illness had spread from France. [14] In 1826, French physician Pierre Bretonneau gave the disease its official name “diphthérite” (from Greek diphthera meaning ‘leather’), describing the appearance of the pseudomembrane that forms in the throat. He was the first to accurately describe the disease. [15]

Diphtheria existed and caused epidemics in the 1700s and early 1800s. Before its official discovery, diphtheria was prevalent in eighteenth and nineteenth century society. Between 1735 and 1740, a diphtheria epidemic in the New England colonies was thought to be responsible for the death of 80 percent of children under 10 years of age in select towns. [16]

The mortality rate from diphtheria in the 1800s was very high, especially among children. Diphtheria was the most feared of all childhood diseases in the 1800s. One of every ten children infected died from this disease. [17] Diphtheria case fatality rates ranged from about 20% for those under age five and over age 40, to 5-10% for those aged 5-40 years. [18]

Diphtheria: The Strangling of Children [19]

Life Continues in the Griffis Family

In an era before grief counseling and support groups, parents coped for the loss of children by relying primarily on their faith, their families, and the cultural scripts for mourning. While the outward rituals could not erase their sorrow, they provided a socially sanctioned way for parents to honor their children’s memory and slowly heal from heartbreaking losses.

We have no records to document how William and Charlotte handled the magnitude of their loss. It undoubtably had a profound impact on their lives.

Despite their loss of three daughters, as reflected in table three, they had eventually had their fourth child, George Griffis, in the fall of 1876, about 16 months after the death of Carrie Esther Griffis. After George, their first son, they had three additional daughters and two other sons.

Table Three: William & Charlotte’s Remaining Children

NameBirth
Date
Years
Between
Each Birth
Death
Date
George William GriffisOct 8, 187616 mos* May 13, 1962
Lura Elizabeth GriffisMay 13, 187929 mosDec 11, 1943
Grace Lavina GriffisJul 3, 188336 mosJan 31, 1958
Addie Bell GriffisNov 28, 188416 mosApr 2, 1975
James Garfield GriffisApr 2, 188729 mosNov 28, 1947
Byron Dewill GriffisSep 7, 189041 mosJun 4, 1983
* This figure represents the time between the death of Carrie and the birth of George.

Childhood Disease in the late 1800s

Losing multiple young children sadly was a common experience for parents in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Child mortality rates were substantially higher than they are in the 21st century. Various factors contributed to high child mortality rates, including infectious diseases, poor sanitation, limited medical knowledge, and inadequate healthcare. In the late nineteenth century, epidemics of cholera, typhus, yellow fever, smallpox, whooping cough and diphtheria claimed many lives, and endemic infectious diseases took a significant toll on infants and young children. [20]

As reflected in the chart below, the child mortality rate in the United States, for children under the age of five, was 316.5 deaths per thousand births in 1870. This means that for every thousand babies born in 1870, over 32 percent did not make it to their fifth birthday. The child mortality rate in 1875 was 325.81. It was not util 1880 that the overall child mortality rate started to drop.

Over the course of the next 150 years, “this number has dropped drastically, and the rate has dropped to its lowest point ever in 2020 where it is just seven deaths per thousand births. Although the child mortality rate has decreased greatly over this 220 year period, there were two occasions where it increased; in the 1870s, as a result of the fourth cholera pandemic, smallpox outbreaks, and yellow fever, and in the late 1910s, due to the Spanish Flu pandemic.” [21]

Child Mortality Rate (Under Five Years Old) in the United States, from 1800 to 2020

In the late 1800s, the most common infectious diseases causing child mortality were primarily due to a range of bacterial and viral pathogens. During the 1870s, child mortality in New York state, as in much of the United States, was significantly influenced by a range of infectious diseases. The most common diseases causing child mortality during this period included: [22]

  • Tuberculosis: Often referred to as consumption, tuberculosis was a leading cause of death in the 19th century, affecting individuals of all ages, including children. It was particularly deadly in urban areas like New York City, where crowded living conditions facilitated the spread of the disease.
  • Diarrheal Diseases: Diarrheal diseases, including cholera infantum and dysentery, were prevalent causes of death among infants and young children. Poor sanitation and contaminated water supplies contributed to outbreaks of these diseases, which could lead to severe dehydration and death.
  • Diphtheria: Known for causing severe respiratory issues, diphtheria was a significant cause of child mortality in this time perod and was a major cause of child mortality in the 1800s in general. The disease, as discussed, is characterized by the formation of a thick coating in the throat and airways, leading to breathing difficulties, heart failure, and paralysis.
  • Scarlet Fever: Caused by the Streptococcus bacteria, scarlet fever was a common childhood illness that could lead to serious complications and death. Symptoms included a high fever, sore throat, and a distinctive red rash.
  • Measles: Highly contagious, measles led to numerous deaths among children, particularly in densely populated areas. Complications from measles could include pneumonia, encephalitis, and blindness.
  • Whooping Cough (Pertussis): Whooping cough was another highly contagious bacterial infection that caused severe coughing fits and was particularly deadly for infants and young children.

The Burial of the Three Daughters

William and Charlotte buried their three daughters in graves on the farm. It appears that they were unmarked or the headstones were not present in the mid 1930s. Their burial was documented in the notes of Mayfield Historian Edward Ruliffson in 1935 on “Missing Burying Grounds”. In a terse one sentence statement it is noted that there were a few graves, possibly children, that were identified on the farm of W. J. Griffis. [23]

“Burying Ground on farm of W. J. Griffis Few graves, May have been children.”

Ruliffson’s Notes on Missing Burying Grounds in Mayfield

It was not uncommon for families in rural areas in the 1800s to bury their dead in family plots on farmland. In many rural areas, it was common for families to bury their deceased on their own land, often on a hilltop or another chosen spot within the family property. These family burial grounds served as the final resting places for multiple generations.

The transition from burying the dead on family plots to using cemeteries in America was a gradual process that evolved over several centuries, with significant changes occurring in the nineteenth century. Initially, burials in America followed the practices of burying the dead in small, family-owned plots or in churchyards. The concept of cemeteries as we know them today began to take shape in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. [24]

The 1700s saw the beginning of cemeteries and graveyards, with Americans organizing burial grounds and marking the burial places of their dead with headstone and monuments. However, it was not until the late nineteenth century that the ‘modern cemetery’ was born. These were public burial spaces designed to be inviting so that families could come and spend time visiting their loved ones. This shift was partly due to practical reasons, such as the need for more space and concerns about sanitation in growing urban areas, and partly due to changing attitudes towards death and mourning. [25]

It would not have been surprising to find family burial plots on the Griffis farm. However, there were only three graves on the Griffis family land. The family owned the farmland for at least three generations. As reflected in table four, aside from three unmarked graves, no other family members who lived on the property were buried on near the three graves. Archibald Clark, Eunice’s father, was buried, along with his wife and other Clark family members at the West Galway Cemetery. William J. Griffis was buried next to his wide Charlotte on the Wetherbee cemetery plot in the Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery.

Table Four: Burial Locations of Immediate Members of Griffis and Wetherbee Family [26]

Family MemberDate of DeathBurial Location
Thomas Wetherbee24 Mar 1879Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery
Eunice Wetherbee14 Apr 1899Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery
Archibald Clark24 May 1881West Galway Cemetery
William J. Griffis28 May 1940Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery
Charlotte Griffis19 Feb 1939Broadalbin – Mayfield Rural Cemetery

Overall, the burial practices for children who died from diphtheria in the 1870s were shaped by the urgent need to control the spread of the disease, the economic resources of the affected families, and the prevailing cultural and religious practices related to death and mourning.

Burial practices for children who died from diphtheria in the 1870s varied depending on local customs, the severity of the epidemic in the area, and the resources of the community and family affected. Many of the traditional customs for burial and mourning were not practiced if family members died from diphtheria due to the possibility of contagion.

Various sources suggest a number of general practices and challenges associated with burials of loved ones whose deaths were attributed to diphtheria :

  • Immediate and Isolated Burials: Due to the infectious nature of diphtheria and the rapid deterioration of the bodies, burials often occurred quickly after death. There was a concern about preventing the spread of the disease, which sometimes led to more isolated burial sites or sections within cemeteries designated for victims of infectious diseases. [27]
  • Use of Disinfectants and Precautions: In some cases, communities took precautions to prevent the spread of the disease during the burial process. This included the use of disinfectants in the sick-room and around the deceased’s belongings. There was an awareness of the need to handle the bodies and belongings of the deceased with care to avoid further transmission of the disease. [28]
  • Simple and Private Ceremonies: The fear of spreading the disease often led to simpler and more private funeral ceremonies, with limited attendance. The focus was on quick interment to reduce the risk of exposure to the living . [29]
  • Impact on Family and Community Burial Practices: The high mortality rate among children due to diphtheria epidemics had a profound impact on family and community burial practices. In some cases, multiple children from the same family or community were buried in close succession, which could lead to the establishment of specific areas within cemeteries for diphtheria victims or even the creation of new burial grounds. [30]
  • Economic and Emotional Strain: The cost of burials and the emotional toll of losing children to diphtheria affected families and communities. The economic strain could influence the type of burial and memorialization possible for the deceased. [31]

Treatment of Diphtheria in the Late 1900s into the 1900s

The discovery and development of a diphtheria antitoxin unfortunately occurred fifteen years after the death of the three Griffis sisters.

The treatment of diphtheria in the 19th century transitioned from rudimentary and often desperate measures to more scientific and effective approaches. The Griffis daughters succumbed to diphtheria before the advent of antitoxin and vaccines. The remedies used for diphtheria were quite varied and often based on limited medical knowledge and personal experience rather than scientific evidence. Some of the treatments and remedies included the use of disinfectants, gargling with Kerosene Oil, Calomel treatments and opium laced herbal formulas. [32]

The following is an example of the many advertisements that were prevalent in local newspapers in the 1870s for remedies that purported cured or provided relief from Diphtheria.

Geneva, New York Daily Gazette, 4 January 1878 Page 3 – Cures for Diphtheria

Click for Larger View | Source: Smithsonian [33]

These treatments were largely symptomatic and aimed at managing the airway obstruction caused by the pseudomembrane. The actual effectiveness of these remedies was limited, and the mortality rate from diphtheria remained high until the development of antitoxin therapy in the 1890s.

Many patient medicines were advertised, such as Dr. Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy (to the left). Medical regulation was less stringent and many of these medicines were used before the development of more effective treatments and vaccines for diphtheria. These types of remedies were often advertised widely but their effectiveness was typically unproven and they sometimes contained harmful substances.

The history of diphtheria treatment is characterized by three inventions—tracheotomy, intubation and serum therapy. These three intervention approaches were introduced between the 1840s and the 1890s. The development of antitoxin therapy was a pivotal moment, offering a real cure for the first time and paving the way for future advances in vaccines and public health strategies to combat the disease.

Until the turn of the 20th century, treatment options were limited. In order to try to save a patient from suffocation by the pseudomembrane, doctors performed tracheotomy or intubation procedures. Before the development of more specific treatments, tracheotomy was one of the few available interventions for diphtheria. This surgical procedure involved cutting an opening in the trachea to insert a tube, allowing air to bypass the obstructed or narrowed part of the throat. Despite its use, tracheotomy was a risky procedure with a high mortality rate due to complications such as infection. [34]

Developed by Dr. Joseph O’Dwyer in the 1880s, intubation was a less invasive alternative to tracheotomy. It involved inserting a tube into the larynx to keep the airway open without the need for an incision. O’Dwyer’s intubation technique became a critical life-saving intervention for diphtheria patients with obstructed airways. [35]

Intubation Kit

Click for Larger View

The set contains: 7 hard rubber O’ Dwyer tubes with metal obturators; One O’ Dwyer’s improved scale, an introducer; a intubation tube extractor; and one Denhardt’s mouth gag. “ORIGINAL MANUFACTURER OF DR. JOSEPH O’DWYER’S INTUBATION INSTRUMENTS FOR THE LARYNX”. A label on the interior lid reads “GEORGE EMROLD / MF’R of / SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS / 312 & 314 E 22 ST. NY.”

“Known familiarly as O’ Dwyer’s intubation tubes, sets came equipped with thin tubes made of metal or hard rubber of varying sizes, a scale for determining the correct size tube to be used, a mouth gag, an introducer for placing the tube down the throat, and an extractor, a forceps-like instrument for removing the tube.Inserting the tubes was a two person procedure. A thread is passed through the hole in the tube. The child is held in an upright position by the assistant holding the head back. A mouth gag paced in the mouth, and the doctor inserts the tube down the throat. Once the tube is in place the introducer is removed.” [36]

The discovery and development of diphtheria antitoxin in the 1890s marked a significant breakthrough in the treatment of diphtheria. Emil von Behring and Shibasaburō Kitasato’s work on immunizing animals with heat-treated diphtheria toxin and using their serum as an antitoxin for treatment was groundbreaking. This antitoxin, derived from the blood of immunized animals, neutralized the diphtheria toxin and could cure the disease in affected individuals. The introduction of antitoxin therapy dramatically improved the survival rates of diphtheria patients. [37]

The efficacy of serum therapy was further established through controlled trials and methodological advancements in medical research. Johannes Fibiger’s work in the late nineteenth century, which involved treating every other patient with serum and comparing outcomes, was an early example of a more rigorous approach to evaluating treatments. This helped solidify the role of serum therapy in treating diphtheria. [38]

Anti-Diphtheritic Serum No. 3, 1898 [39]

The widespread use of diphtheria vaccines would not occur until the 20th century. The development of the diphtheria toxoid vaccine in the 1920s was based on earlier research into antitoxin and toxin production. Vaccination campaigns in the early 20th century significantly reduced the incidence of diphtheria. [40]

Diphtheria Toxoid (Anatoxin-Ramon) Bio. 2100 – Diphtheria Prophylactic – Two Doses for One Person [41]

Biological, vaccine, diphtheria. MG.M-04668.

Sources

Feature Photograph: The feature photograph of this story is an amalgam of: (1) Notes on Missing Burial Grounds in Mayfield County by the Reverend Edward Ruliffson Mayfield Historian in the 1930s; (2) A list of the children of William J. Griffis and Charlotte (Wetherbee) Griffis; (3) a poem written by a mother who lost a child to diphtheria in the late 1870s (see below); (4) an illustration of a young girl suffering from diphtheria,.

(1) Notes on Missing Burial Grounds in Mayfield County by the Reverend Edward Ruliffson, Mayfield Historian in the 1930s, documents were shared by the Mayfield historian Eric Close, PDF Copy

(2) Children of William J. Griffis and Charlotte Wetherbee Griffis and their spouses:

(3) “For Addie Mehwalt, Age 2 Years, 7 months Alex and Mary Mehwalt, a young Santa Cruz couple, were so devastated by the death of their daughter that they found it necessary to move away from the area to contain their grief. They left behind one of the most beautiful poems in this collection.”

Reader, Phil. “Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78.” Santa Cruz, CA: Cliffside Publishing, 1993. SCPL Local History. https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/items/show/134500

(4) Cooper, Richard Tennant, Watercolor, Ghostly Skeleton trying to strangle a sick child Wellcome Collection, Reference Wellcome Collection 24006i, Reference Note: Robert E. Greenspan, Medicine: perspectives in history and art, Alexandria, Va.: Ponteverde Press, 2006, p. 319 (reproduced) https://wellcomecollection.org/works/mff3hsaw

One of several paintings commissioned by Henry S. Wellcome around 1912 from Richard Cooper, who was then working in Paris. Cooper was educated at Tonbridge and then trained as an artist in Paris before the First World War. In 1914 he joined the British Army and in 1916 was transferred to the Royal Engineers. His obituary in The times says that he worked on camouflage with Solomon J. Solomon RA as well as acting as official war artist for The graphic. After the war he enjoyed a flourishing career as a graphic artist designing posters: he is particularly well known for his advertisements for the London Underground

A ghostly skeleton trying to strangle a sick child; representing diphtheria. Watercolour by R. Cooper. Wellcome Collection. Public Domain Mark. Source: Wellcome Collection.


[1] 1870 United States Federal census, New York, Fulton County, Mayfield, July 7, 1870, Page 258, Lines 16-21

Household of Thomas Wetherbee – 1870

[2] Personal notes by Mayfield town historian Edward Ruliffson, 1935. See footnote 12 in the April 2, 2024 story, Recent Discoveries from Oral History Compiled by a Local Mayfield Historian – Part II

[3] For a period of time, I was not certain was to why I was unable to find historical documentation on the first three daughters of William and Charlotte Griffis. See the following sources that discuss the challenges of tracing female ancestors in the United States.

Linda Clyde, Ever Wonder Why It’s So Hard to Trace Your Female Ancestry?, April 26, 2017, FamilySearch Blog, https://www.familysearch.org/en/blog/ever-wonder-why-its-so-hard-to-trace-your-female-ancestry

Candice Buchanan, Female Ancestors: Finding Women in Local History and Genealogy, Research Guides, Updated February 13, 2024, Library of Congress, https://guides.loc.gov/female-ancestors

I came upon newsletters for the interchange of genealogical data and history of the Weatherbee or Wetherbee (and variant spellings) families in America. Some early ancestors immigrated to the United States from England in the 1600’s. I was able to find terse yet direct confirmation of the early deaths and causes of death for the three daughters .

Carl & Lucile Weatherbee (with additional authors for specific family lines and queries), Weatherbee Round-up : A newsletter for all Weatherbee descendants, Volume 25, No. 4 July/Aug 1991 page 144 ; See Weatherbee round-up : a newsletter for all Weatherbee descendants, FamilySearch, https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/2262?availability=Family%20History%20Library

Carrie Esther Griffis, Geneanet, Born March 4, 1874, Deceased December 30, 1874, aged 9 months old, https://gw.geneanet.org/weterb1?lang=en&p=carrie+esther&n=griffis

Annie Grace Griffis, Geneanet, Born September 1, 1872, Deceased December 17, 1874, aged 2 years old, https://gw.geneanet.org/weterb1?lang=en&p=annie+grace&n=griffis

Florence Eliza Griffis, Geneanet,  Born May 1, 1871, Deceased May 24, 1875, aged 4 years old, https://gw.geneanet.org/weterb1?lang=en&p=florence+eliza&n=griffis

[4] Ibid

[5] R. J. Honeywell, Updated 13-May-2008, Broadalbin in History, http://www.fulton.nygenweb.net/history/Broadhist1907a.html

[6] Beth Gruber, Marquette’s 1878 diphtheria epidemic, Jul 5, 2023, The Mining Journal, https://www.miningjournal.net/news/superior_history/2023/07/marquettes-1878-diphtheria-epidemic-2/

[7] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, post based upon the Dittrick Museum Diphtheria Exhibit, guest curated by Cicely Schonberg, Dittrick Meidcal History center Blog, College of Arts and Sciences, Case Western Reserve University, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[8] Map Showing Deaths from Diphtheria in the City of New York December 31, 1875, Pictures of life and character in New York, Page. 36. National Library of Medicine, Digital Collections, National Institute of Health, https://collections.nlm.nih.gov/catalog/nlm:nlmuid-101425218-img http://resource.nlm.nih.gov/101425218

Thomas R. Frieden, Public Health in New York City: 200 Years of Leadership , Tjhe New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, 2005, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/bicentennial/historical-booklet.pdf

[9] “By April 1879 at least 75 people, mostly children, lost their lives. Over 400 of the village’s residents fell ill with the disease between September 1878 and March 1879. Whole families became sick, and a few parents lost all of their children to the disease. “

Anne Dealy, Diphtheria Epidemic, September 27, 2013, Historic Geneva Blog, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

[10] Brian Altonen, The 1890 Census Disease Maps, Blog on Public Health, Medicine and History, https://brianaltonenmph.com/gis/more-historical-disease-maps/1890-the-1890-census-disease-maps/

[11] “One of several paintings commissioned by Henry S. Wellcome around 1912 from Richard Cooper, who was then working in Paris. Cooper was educated at Tonbridge and then trained as an artist in Paris before the First World War. In 1914 he joined the British Army and in 1916 was transferred to the Royal Engineers. His obituary in The times says that he worked on camouflage with Solomon J. Solomon RA as well as acting as official war artist for The graphic. After the war he enjoyed a flourishing career as a graphic artist designing posters: he is particularly well known for his advertisements for the London Underground.”

Cooper, Richard Tennant, Watercolor, Ghostly Skeleton trying to strangle a sick child Wellcome Collection, Reference Wellcome Collection 24006i, Reference Note: Robert E. Greenspan, Medicine: perspectives in history and art, Alexandria, Va.: Ponteverde Press, 2006, p. 319 (reproduced) https://wellcomecollection.org/works/mff3hsaw

[12] Michael Dwyer, Strangling Angel: Diphtheria and Childhood Immunization in Ireland, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2018

Foong Seong Kin, Mawaddah Azman, Bong Qi Yi, Yong Doh Jeing, Strangling angel of children- diphtheria: A case series of airway management and disease progress in diphtheria, International Journal of Pediatric Otorhinolaryngology Case Reports, Volume 25, 2019, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S2588910919300099?via%3Dihub

Byard, Roger W. Diphtheria – ‘The strangling angel’ of children. Journal of Forensic Legal Medicine, 2013 Feb; 20 (2): 65-8. doi: 10.1016/j.jflm.2012.04.006. Epub 2012 May 24.

Diphtheria ‘The Strangler’, Museum of Health Care at Kingston, https://www.museumofhealthcare.ca/explore/exhibits/vaccinations/diphtheria.html

Dwyer M. Introduction. In: Strangling Angel: Diphtheria and Childhood Immunization in Ireland. Reappraisals in Irish History. Liverpool University Press; 2017:1-12.

[13] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, post based upon the Dittrick Museum Diphtheria Exhibit, guest curated by Cicely Schonberg, Dittrick Medical History center Blog, College of Arts and Sciences, Case Western Reserve University, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

See also:

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

Margaret Putnam Brennen, The Diphtheria Epidemic of 1874-1876. August 19, 2016, The Golden Crescent: Stories from the History of Lyme, NY, https://goldencrescent.weebly.com/home/category/diphtheria-epidemic

Perri Klass, How Science Conquered Diphtheria, the Plague Among Children, October 2021, Smithsonian Magazine, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/science-diphtheria-plague-among-children-180978572/

Ashley Hagen, The Toxin-Based Diseases Common in North America during the 1600-1700s, July 5, 2019, American Society of Microbiology, https://asm.org/articles/2019/july/the-toxin-based-diseases-common-in-north-america-d

/

[14] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

[15] Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

[16] Caulfield, Ernest, “A True History of the Terrible Epidemic Vulgarly Called the Throat Distemper, Which Occurred in His Majesty’s New England Colonies between the Years 1735 and 1740.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol 6, No 2. p. 338., 1949

See also: Shulman, Stanford, The History of Pediatric Infectious Diseases , Pediatric Research. Vol. 55, No. 1, 2004

[17] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical Center Blog, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[18] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

[19] The Sutliff Museum, A Million Ways to Die in the 19th Century, YouTube Video, Last updated on May 8, 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=ePV-tu9y7cg ; www.sutliffmuseum.org Warren, Ohio

[20] Preston, Samuel H. and Michael R. Haines, The Social and Medical Context of Child Mortality in the Late Nineteenth Century, in Samuel H. Preston and Michael R. Haines, ed, Fatal Years: Child Mortality in Late Nineteenth-Century America, Princeton University Press, January 1999, Pages 3 – 48; Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/pres91-1 ; Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11541 

[21] Aaron O’Neill, Child mortality in the United States 1800-2020, Feb 2, 2024, Statista , https://www.statista.com/statistics/1041693/united-states-all-time-child-mortality-rate

[22] Diseases and epidemics of the 19th century, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 20 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diseases_and_epidemics_of_the_19th_century

Cholera, Virtual New York, Graduate cener, City of New York (CUNY), https://virtualny.ashp.cuny.edu/cholera/cholera_intro.html

Richard Plunz and Andrés Álvarez-Dávila, Density, Equity, and the History of Epidemics in New York City   State of the Planet, Columbia Climate School, June 30, 2020 , https://news.climate.columbia.edu/2020/06/30/density-equity-history-epidemics-nyc/

Echoes of Epidemics Past: Telling the Stories of New York’s Champions and Change Makers, April 24, 2020, Museum of the City of New York, https://www.mcny.org/story/echoes-epidemics-past

Shulman, Stanford T. The history of Pediatric Infectious Diseases. Pediatr Res. 2004 Jan;55(1):163-76. doi: 10.1203/01.PDR.0000101756.93542.09. Epub 2003 Nov 6. Erratum in: Pediatr Res. 2004 Jun;55(6):1069. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7086672/

Preston, Samuel H. and Michael R. Haines, The Social and Medical Context of Child Mortality in the Late Nineteenth Century, in Samuel H. Preston and Michael R. Haines, ed, Fatal Years: Child Mortality in Late Nineteenth-Century America, Princeton University Press, January 1999, Pages 3 – 48; Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/pres91-1 ; Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11541 

Lorna Ebner, Quarantine in Nineteenth-Century New York , April 14, 2020, History of Medicine and Public Health, New York Academy of Medicine Library Blog,  https://nyamcenterforhistory.org/2020/04/14/quarantine-in-nineteenth-century-new-york/ 

Nycole Neveol, Deadly Summers: Infant and Child Deaths in 19th Century Rochester, New York, State University of New York, Geneseo, https://knightscholar.geneseo.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1137&context=great-day-symposium 

Thomas R. Frieden, Public Health in New York City: 200 Years of Leadership , Tjhe New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, 2005, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/bicentennial/historical-booklet.pdf

Diseases and epidemics of the 19th century, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 20 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diseases_and_epidemics_of_the_19th_century

Condran, Gretchen A., and Harold R. Lentzner. “Early Death: Mortality among Young Children in New York, Chicago, and New Orleans.” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 34, no. 3, 2004, pp. 315–54. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3657041

Godias J. Drolet and Anthony M. Lowell,  A Half Century’s Progress Against Tuberculosis in New York City 1900 – 1950, New York Tuberculosis and health Association, 1952, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/tb/tb1900.pdf

Diseases and epidemics of the 19th century, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 20 January 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diseases_and_epidemics_of_the_19th_century 

[23] Notes on Missing Burial Grounds in Mayfield County by the Reverend Edward Ruliffson, Mayfield Historian in the 1930s, documents were shared by the Mayfield historian Eric Close, PDF Copy

[24] Wendy Chestnut , Burial customs differed at turn-of-the-century, April 11, 2024,  Williamsport Sun-Gazette, https://www.sungazette.com/news/top-news/2018/04/burial-customs-differed-at-turn-of-the-century/

Mattie Aguero, Evolution of American Funerary Customs and Laws, September 28, 2022, Library Congress Blogs , https://blogs.loc.gov/law/2022/09/evolution-of-american-funerary-customs-and-laws/

[25] Mattie Aguero, Evolution of American Funerary Customs and Laws, September 28, 2022, Library Congress Blogs , https://blogs.loc.gov/law/2022/09/evolution-of-american-funerary-customs-and-laws/

Burkette A. The Burial Ground: A Bridge Between Language And Culture. Journal of Linguistic Geography. 2015;3(2):60-71. doi:10.1017/jlg.2016.2 ; https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-linguistic-geography/article/burial-ground-a-bridge-between-language-and-culture/F7DFEB1AC003DB2575148448E0AF2782

[26] Sources for burial:

List of Wetherbee family member memorials found in Broadalbin-Mayfield Rural Cemetery: www.findagrave.com

https://www.findagrave.com/cemetery/261448/memorial-search?firstname=&middlename=&lastname=Wetherbee&cemeteryName=Broadalbin-Mayfield+Rural+Cemetery&birthyear=&birthyearfilter=&deathyear=&deathyearfilter=&memorialid=&mcid=&linkedToName=&datefilter=&orderby=r&plot=&page=1#sr-142246231

List of Griffis family member memorials found in Broadalbin-Mayfield Rural Cemetery: www.findagrave.com:

https://www.findagrave.com/cemetery/261448/memorial-search?firstname=&middlename=&lastname=Griffis&cemeteryName=Broadalbin-Mayfield+Rural+Cemetery&birthyear=&birthyearfilter=&deathyear=&deathyearfilter=&memorialid=&mcid=&linkedToName=&datefilter=&orderby=r&plot=

Archibald Clark, West Galway Cemetery, West Galway, Fulton County, Memorial ID: 29292190, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/29292190/a-clar

[27] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Phil Reader, Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78, Santa Cruz Public Libraries Local History, https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/ff77baa4aaefd6c8b03fdcda3d1a59ed.pdf

[28] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

[29] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[30] Ann Dealy, Diptheria Epidemic, Sep 27 2013, Historic Geneva, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Phil Reader, Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78, Santa Cruz Public Libraries Local History, https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/ff77baa4aaefd6c8b03fdcda3d1a59ed.pdf

[31] Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, Oct 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical History center blog, Case Western Reserve, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Phil Reader, Voices of the Heart: Memorial Poems from the Diphtheria Epidemic of 1876-78, Santa Cruz Public Libraries Local History, https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/ff77baa4aaefd6c8b03fdcda3d1a59ed.pdf

[32] Use of Disinfectants: Druggist E. Maynard recommended the use of disinfectants in the sick-room and for all vessels containing secretions from the sick, which likely helped prevent the transmission of the disease. See Dealy, Ann, Diphtheria Epidemic, September 27, 2013, Historic Geneva Blog, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Gargling with Kerosene Oil: This was suggested as a cure, though it was not based on any scientific evidence and was likely ineffective or even harmful2. For example see: Medical Hints: DIPHTHERIA AND PETROLEUM, The Sacred Heart Review, Volume 11, Number 26, 19 May 1894, Newspaper records maintained by Boston College Libraries, https://newspapers.bc.edu/?a=d&d=BOSTONSH18940519-01.2.48&e=——-en-20–1–txt-txIN——- ; see also Young, D.W. , An Article on Malignant Diphtheia, with Report on Eleven Cases, The Chicago Medical Examiner Vol VI, No 1, Jan 1865 , https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9997272/pdf/chicmedex137054-0001.pdf

Calomel Treatment: Calomel, or mercurous chloride, was used as a treatment, though its efficacy and safety were questionable. See for example: Batten John M. , The Treatment of Diphtheria, Read before the Pennsylvania State Medical Society in May, 1892. JAMA. 1893; XX(15): Pages 406–408. doi:10.1001/jama.1893.02420420002001a https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/470168

[33] Dr. Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy was manufactured around the period of 1892 to 1920. This timeframe is indicated by the physical description note of the bottle that contained Dr. Shoop’s Family Medicine, which includes “Dr. Shoop’s Restorative” and is associated with the same Dr. C. Irving Shoop who had a large list of patent medicines. The bottle is dated circa 1892-1920, which suggests that Dr. Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy would have been produced within that same general time period.

See: Dr Shoop’s Diphtheria Remedy, National Museum of American History, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/object/dr-shoops-diphtheria-remedy%3Anmah_716374

See also: Greer, David S., Guide to the Patent medicine bottle collection, 1850-1920, Box 3, Bottle 76 – Dr. Shoop’s Family Medicine, John Hay Library, University Archives and Manuscripts,Brown University, 2023, https://www.riamco.org/render?eadid=US-RPB-ms2008.002&view=all

Carters compound extract of smartweed was an Opium laced herbal formula that emerged in 1871. Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed was a medicinal product manufactured by the Brown Medicine Company in Erie, Pennsylvania. This product was part of the broader category of patent medicines that were popular in the United States during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Patent medicines, including Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed, were often advertised as cure-alls for a wide range of ailments and conditions.

The history of patent medicines like Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed is intertwined with the history of medicine and advertising in America. These products were typically sold directly to the public through advertisements in newspapers, magazines, and via traveling medicine shows. They were known for their bold claims and were often marketed as effective treatments for multiple unrelated diseases. One notable aspect of Carter’s Compound Extract of Smartweed, as with many patent medicines of the time, was its composition. The article from pressrepublican.com mentions that Carter’s Extract of Smartweed was an opium-laced herbal formula. This highlights a common practice of the era, where potent substances such as opium, alcohol, cocaine, and morphine were frequently included in the ingredients of patent medicines. These substances often contributed to the medicines’ effects, making them popular but also potentially dangerous.

See: Julie Robinson Robards, A dose of patent medicine history, Jul 16, 2012, Press-Republican, https://www.pressrepublican.com/news/lifestyles/a-dose-of-patent-medicine-history/article_fc67e7c5-e13b-5269-b8e6-3d6640f23064.html

[34] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, post based upon the Dittrick Museum Diphtheria Exhibit, guest curated by Cicely Schonberg, Dittrick Meidcal History center Blog, College of Arts and Sciences, Case Western Reserve University, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

Dealy, Ann, Diphtheria Epidemic, September 27, 2013, Historic Geneva Blog, https://historicgeneva.org/medicine/diphtheria-epidemic/

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

[35] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

[36] Intubation Kit, National Museum of American History, The Smithsonian Institution , Object Details, https://www.si.edu/object/intubation-kit:nmah_1090324

[37] Diphtheria: Corynebacterium diphtheriae, The History of Vaccines, Mütter Museum, The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, https://historyofvaccines.org/history/diphtheria/overview

Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, the Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/spotlight/antibody-initiative/diphtheria

Diphtheria, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 5 April 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtheria

[38] Annick Opinel, Ulrich Tröhler, Christian Gluud, Gabriel Gachelin, George Davey Smith, Scott Harris Podolsky, Iain Chalmers, Commentary: The evolution of methods to assess the effects of treatments, illustrated by the development of treatments for diphtheria, 1825–1918, International Journal of Epidemiology, Volume 42, Issue 3, June 2013, Pages 662–676, https://doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyr162

[39] Anti-Diphtheritic Serum No. 3, 1898, In 1898, the Smithsonian museum collected from some of the earliest commercial antitoxin manufactured in America from Parke, Davis & Co.: Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, The Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/spotlight/antibody-initiative/diphtheria

[40] Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, the Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/spotlight/antibody-initiative/diphtheria

Deadly Diphtheria: the children’s plague, October 26, 2017, Dittrick Medical Center Blog, https://artsci.case.edu/dittrick/2014/04/29/deadly-diphtheria-the-childrens-plague/

[41] Diphtheria Toxoid (Anatoxin-Ramon) Bio. 2100 – Diphtheria Prophylactic – Two Doses for One Person, Diphtheria Treatments and Prevention, The Antibody Initiative, The Smithsonian Institution, https://www.si.edu/object/diphtheria-toxoid-anatoxin-ramon-bio-2100-diphtheria-prophylactic-two-doses-one-person:nmah_716527

William James Griffis and Daniel Griffis – A Tale of Two Brothers (Part Three)

Culpepper Courthouse, Virginia

The War at the Beginning of 1864

The fate of both brothers Daniel and William Griffis ultimately were swayed by the broad brush Union strategies in the Shenandoah valley and the Teche country in Louisiana. One soldier who fought under Union General Nathaniel P. Banks during the Louisiana campaigns stated “the Teche country was to the war in Louisiana what the Shenandoah valley was to the war in Virginia … there the resemblance ends, for the Teche country is a long flat, hemmed in my marshes and bayous.” [1] Both campaigns would have an impact on the Griffis brothers. Daniel as a wagon master endured the hard physical labor of managing a wagon, mules, supplies, the possibility of being captured or killed on a daily basis through daily skirmishes in the spring and summer of 1864. His younger brother, William, left in the spring of ‘84 for Louisiana to experience war first hand in an environment that was totally foreign to someone growing up in New York. William would come back north and be engaged with the Army of the Potomac within miles of where is brother was also fighting.

Ulysses Grant: A New Vision and Approach to War

Dissatisfied with General Halleck as general in chief and impressed with Grant’s victories in the west, Lincoln appointed Ulysses S. Grant to supersede Halleck and to assume the rank of lieutenant general which Congress had re-created. Leaving Sherman in command in the west, Grant arrived in Washington on March 8, 1864. He was given largely a free hand in developing his grand strategy. He retained Meade in technical command of the Army of the Potomac but Grant effectively assumed direct control by establishing his own field headquarters with the Army of the Potomac. He sought to move this army against Lee in northern Virginia while Sherman marched against confederate General Johnston and Atlanta, Georgia. 

However, before Grant had complete control of the Union forces, Lincoln and Halleck had unfinished business in the south and borrowed troops from the northern campaigns to bolster and initiate a strategy to move northwest through Louisiana, following the Red River, up to Shreveport to consolidate control over Texas and Louisiana. Concerned about France’s interference in the affairs of Mexico, Lincoln and Halleck believed the Republic needed to exhibit a strong presence in Texas. At the time, the entire Mississippi River was under Union control.

Grant viewed the initiative in the Louisiana as of little strategic value based on past unsuccessful efforts and compared with his emerging plans to engage in campaigns simultaneously in the east and the west. Halleck’s plans for the Red River campaign were issued prior to Grant’s assumption of his new duties. Halleck ordered Major General Nathanial Banks to establish dominance in Louisiana. Banks commanded the 13th and 19th Army Corps in New Orleans. He had launched two previously unsuccessful efforts in 1863. Grant consequently imposed an April deadline for its completion and the return of troops to Major General William Sherman. Coupled with the strategic rivalry between Halleck, Lincoln and Grant, Banks, a former governor of Massachusetts, viewed his third campaign effort for Texas as potentially a future political stepping stone. [2]

As James Bowen recalls in his history of the First New York Dragoons:

“With the approach of spring 1864, increasing activity in all departments in preparation for the coming campaign, was everywhere apparent… . The ordinance, commissary, and quartermaster’s departments were each in their respective lines busily equipping the cavaliers … . Radical changes were also to be made in the leadership, reorganization, and general management of this important branch of military service.” [3]

The Confederacy used the strategic advantages of the Shenandoah valley so effectively that it often became the “valley of humiliation” for the North. For most of the war, Confederate armies were able to move north through the valley and toward Washington City. Conversely, Union armies advancing south found themselves pushed farther away from Richmond to protect the nation’s capital. When a Southern army crossed the Potomac at its confluence with the Shenandoah River, it cut across the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and was only 60 miles northwest of Washington. The presence of a Confederate army in the northern part of the Shenandoah Valley was often considered a sufficient menace to justify calling back Union troops from campaigns elsewhere to ensure the security of the capital. [4]

American Battlefield Trust has created a series of animated maps depicting major civil war campaigns and battles. For a high level visual overview of the battles that Daniel Griffis and the First Dragoons were involved with during the Overland Campaign, see the video below.

Confederate General Early’s dominance of the lower valley was a persistent irritant and motivating factor for General Grant’s Shenandoah campaigns. Beyond the agricultural bounty, the strategic benefits of controlling the valley and the boost in morale that a series of Union victories would bring, the success of controlling the valley would affect Abraham Lincoln’s chances for reelection in the November 1864. 

Grant’s new vision on how to conduct war in the Valley stressed the use of massive numbers of troops to overcome casualties, constant offensive movements regardless of short term losses, the destruction the Shenandoah agrarian breadbasket that fed the Confederate forces, and the single minded goal to conquer Confederate armies rather than territory. As Gordan Rhea, a noted historian of the Overland Campaign [5], indicated in an interview with the Tattooed Historian and Peter Carmichael, Director, Civil War Institute at Gettysburg College, (see below) the Overland campaign was “an horror show” for the soldiers. For about 40 days they experienced constant marching, fighting in the forested wilderness, and major battles that were one after another with no breaks. It was also during this campaign that the Confederate army started to use earthen fortifications on a consistent basis. By the Battle of Cold Harbor it became an art form. The Confederates started to have engineers figure out in advance based on the contours of the land where to build trenches. They would put stakes out, similar to surveying, to plan and develop fortifications. Each Confederate regiment would create these barriers in a slightly different manner.

An Evening with Gordon C. Rhea – Tattooed Historian Youtube Channel, Streamed live on Feb 22, 2021

Daniel Griffis: With Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley

In the early battles of the campaign, Sheridan’s cavalry, which included the First Dragoons, was relegated by army commander Major General George Meade to its traditional role of screening, reconnaissance, guarding wagon trains (where Daniel probably was as a wagon master) and rear areas of the regiment. The First New York Dragoon’s use in battle subsequently changed during this campaign where they became the point of the stick in battle.

In the Battle of the Wilderness (May 5–6, 1864), the forested terrain prevented any significant cavalry role. As the army swung around the Confederate right flank in the direction of Spotsylvania Court House, Sheridan’s troopers failed to clear the road from the Wilderness, losing engagements along the Plank Road on May 5th and Todd’s Tavern on May 6th through May 8th, allowing the Confederates to seize the critical crossroads before the Union infantry could arrive. [6]

When Meade quarreled with Sheridan for not performing his duties of screening and reconnaissance as ordered, Sheridan told Meade that he could “whip Stuart” if Meade let him. Meade reported the conversation to Grant, who replied, “Well, he generally knows what he is talking about. Let him start right out and do it.” [7]

“It is proper here to notice that, according to Sheridan, the bloody battles of Todd’s Tavern and Spottsylvania need not have occurred but for Meade’s unwarranted interference with Sheridan’s well-laid plans. It was also in connection with this that the fiery wordy encounter between Meade and Sheridan occurred.” [8]

Meade deferred to Grant’s judgment and issued orders to Sheridan to “proceed against the enemy’s cavalry”. Sheridan Calvary Corps, including the First New York Dragoons, were sent on a raid from May 9 through May 24, toward Richmond, directly challenging the Confederate cavalry. 

“In order to have his troops well in hand, Sheridan moved his entire command on a single road. The immense cavalcade, moving in columns of fours, covered a stretch of thirteen miles.” [9]

Sheridan's Richmond Raid
Map of Maj. Gen. Philip Sheridan’s cavalry raid to Yellow Tavern and Richmond during the Overland Campaign of the American Civil War, map by Hal Jespersen Click on map for enlarged view

The raid was less successful than anticipated. Sheridan’s raid managed to mortally wound Confederate cavalry commander Major General J.E.B. Stuart at Yellow Tavern on May 11th and beat Major General Fitzhugh Lee at Meadow Bridge on May 12th. [10]

“The hardest fight thus far of our raid occurred at Yellow Tavern on the 11th. We were about two miles back, when the enemy, from a well-chosen position, opened upon our advance. The sound of the first gun had scarcely reached us before the whole column broke into a gallop, and within ten minutes we wheeled into line of battle. In less that it can be written, Colonel Thorpe’s ringing command was heard; ‘Dismount and prepare to fight on foot! Forward double-quick march!’. The rebel line was scarcely twenty rods away, while a battery was enfilading us, – ‘Hold your fire’, was the understood order; but when about half the distance was covered, word came along the line: ‘Every man shoot to kill.’ At this the boys broke into a yell, and began pumping lead from their deadly seven shooter carbines in that line of grey at such a terrible rate that they broke and ran like a flock of sheep.” [11]

Regarding the raid at Yellow Tavern and the mortal wounding of Jeb Stuart, despite historical accounts to the contrary (notably Custer’s accounting of Stuart’s demise), Captain Leach of the First New York dragoons recalled: 

“General Sheridan, coming along our line, asked me if I could reach those buildings and occupy them; see what the Confederates are doing, their number, etc., and if anything special, report him. I took some twenty men, directing them to keep behind the fences so as not to attract attention, while I went up the lane. … While I was viewing their lines, my men called my attention to a ride upon a white horse, evidently an officer of rank, who was riding along their lines, seemingly superintending their formation. One of my men, Shedrick L. Pealer, called my attention to him particularly and said, ‘ I will try him a shot’, and resting his carbine across the corner of one of the huts, elevated the sights, and fired. The officer fell, and created general confusion… and our line moved back into the woods and out of sight. … I afterward learned that Gen. J.E.B. Stuart rode such a horse, and was killed that day, and it was reported through Confederate sources that Stuart was struct by a ‘chance shot’; but I have always believed that it was the shot of Pealer that killed him.” [12]

The First New York Dragoons subsequently had skirmishes at Meadow Bridge and crossed the Chickahominy River at Jones Bridge. They encountered another skirmish at Malvern Hill and then marched nearly 40 miles, having recrossed Chickahominy at Bottom’s bridge to reach Haxall’s Landing. They left there for White House Landing, marching all night and the following day with but one stop. 

“During this expedition both men and horses suffered from hunger. Passing over a portion of country repeatedly desolated, no forage could be obtained. This was one of the few instances in which we really suffered from hunger, living four or five days on parched corn. After drawing rations at White House, and another long, dusty march via King William’s Court House, the command rejoined the Potomac Army at Chesterfield Station, May 25. One this raid the corps lost several hundred horses from heat and overwork, the animals dying with what was called the ‘flutters’, probably a violent palpitation of the heart.” [13]

Thumps or flutters, known in the veterinary world as synchronous diaphragmatic flutter [14], is similar to hiccups: a spasm of the diaphragm. However while hiccups are generally harmless for humans, the thumps in horses point to something more harmful. The treatment for thumps is to restore the horse’s electrolyte balance. Calcium is typically the most important electrolyte to replace. The absence of blood calcium is primarily responsible for this malady. 

Civil War Horse Memorial

Mules and horses played a fundamental and often times personal role with soldiers in the war. This equestrian statue stands in a small courtyard adjacent to the United States Cavalry Museum at Fort Riley, Kansas. This three-quarter sized statue is dedicated to the million and a half horses and mules that perished or were used during the Civil War. It was dedicated in the summer of 1997. This statue was commissioned by Paul Mellon who served at Fort Riley during World War II and sculpture was designed by Tessa Pullan.

The maintenance of the equine forces during this campaign was staggering and posed constant logistical challenges for the Union army. [15] The ratio of men to equine during this campaign was 1 to 3.

“ … the Army of the Potomac, as near as we can arrive at the figures, appears to have numbered ordinarily about one hundred and twenty-five thousand effective fighting men. Its transportation is reported to have consisted of about four thousand two hundred wagons, eight hundred (800) ambulances, thirty thousand (30,000) artillery, cavalry, ambulance and draught horses, four thousand five hundred (4,500) private horses, and twenty-two (22,000) thousand mules, making an aggregate in all of some fifty-six thousand (56,000) animals. This is just about one-third (1/3) animals to the men.” [16]

Other estimates suggest that by 1863 the army needed half as many horses and mules as there were men in uniform to provide mobility to the armies. [17]

Horses and mules required hay and grain for fuel. To remain healthy, an average 1,000 pound horse required 14 pounds of hay and 12 pounds of grain per day while mules required 3 fewer pounds of grain. Hay provided nutrition and bulk that supported their digestive systems. Grain provided the necessary energy and nutrition for muscles. Horses also needed salt, preferably three times a day. Based on Union operational orders, in the armies operating against Richmond, the maximum allowance of forage per day was ten pounds hay and fourteen pounds of grain for horses. For mules the allowance was ten pounds hay and eleven pounds of grain. When short forage could only be provided, the allowance for horses was fifteen pounds and for mules thirteen pounds. On a march, however, the forage ration was only ten pounds grain. [18]

The Union army employed a method of using hay “presses” to compact palatable grass into 400 pound bales that were efficiently transported by rail and boat to war supply points and then transported by wagon to the troops. Daniel Griffis may have been involved with such transport. [19]

The First New York Dragoons rejoined the main army after being behind rebel lines for weeks. However, the hope for some rest was cut short with ‘five days of awful fighting’ [20] between May 28 to June 1, 1864 at Haw’s Shop, Old Church and Cold Harbor. 

The Battle of Haw’s Shop lasted for over seven hours and was the bloodiest cavalry battle since Brandy Station in 1863. It was an unusual battle in comparison to previous cavalry engagements in the east because it was predominately fought by dismounted cavalry, many of which were protected by earthworks. [21] First Dragoons are identified in the map below as part of General Merrit’s reserve guard.

Map by Hal Jespersen, click on map for enlarged view

After the battle of Haw’s Shop, the First Dragoons, as part of General Merrit’s reserve guard, moved along with General Devin’s brigade south and engaged Butler’s Confederate troops at Old Church. 

“During the afternoon of May 31 the advance on Cold Harbor began, our brigade (the Reserve) taking the lead on the direct road, Devin’s brigade was sent on another road, but for some reason… he failed to carry out his program. We had scarcely gone a half a mile before striking the enemy in force, and at once began the attack, Custer’s brigade deploying on the left of ours.” [22]

The First New York Dragoons proceeded south in pursuit of the Confederate troops towards Old Church and then towards Cold Harbor, as shown in the map below (in the lower right hand corner of the map). Cold Harbor was 10 miles northeast of Richmond, Virginia.

Overland Campaign May 29-30 1864
Map by Hal Jespersen, www.posix.com/CW, click on map for larger view

The battles of Cold Harbor, fought from May 31st to June 12th, 1864 were the final battles of Union Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant’s Overland Campaign, and the June 3rd battle is remembered as one of American history’s bloodiest battles. Thousands of Union soldiers were killed or wounded in an unsuccessful frontal assault against the fortified positions of Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s army. The First New York Dragoons fought on the first and second engagements at Cold Harbor May 31st and June 1st. 

General Merritt, ordered the First and Second U.S. Calvary to detour from Cold Harbor due to the Confederate entrenchments. The First New York Dragoons and the Sixth Pennsylvania calvary occupied their attention to the front line and were ordered to take the hill which was part of the Bloody Run. They went up the hill and up to the breastworks, pouring an irresistible fire into their ranks. As our boys leaped over, there were many hand-to-hand struggles“. [23] The Dragoons encountered 35 of their troops killed, wounded or missing.

Battle of Cold Harbor June 1, 1864
Map developed by Hal Jespersen, www.posix.com/CW Click for enlarged view

After Cold Harbor, the combined forces of Union cavalry under Sheridan fought against Confederate cavalry under Major Generals Wade Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee in the bloodiest and largest all-cavalry battle of the war at Trevilian Station. The First New York Dragoon regiment lost 16 of their troops, 61 were wounded 8 were missing after the battle. Daniel Griffis was possibly part of the wagon train assistance in this battle, providing munitions or medical aid.

“Sheridan’s forces consisted of two calvary divisions – Gregg’s and Torbet’s – numbering about six thousand officers and men, provided with three day’s rations and forty rounds of ammunition, besides reserve ammunition in wagons; also one medical wagon and eight ambulances.” [24]

Sheridans Trevilian Station Raid
Routes of Federal and Confederate cavalry to Trevilian Station, June 7–10, 1864, Map by Hal Jespersen, www.posix.com/CW , click image for larger view.

The Dragoons had two engagements at Trevilian Station and for the next 9 days traversed the countryside. Mention is made in regimental memoirs of the long wagon train associated with this campaign.

“Our arrival at White House Landing, June 20, virtually terminated the Trevilian raid, but gave neither the jaded horses nor feared men any respite whatever from severe service, as there was at that place an immense train of about one thousand wagons, which Sheridan was directed to conduct across the James River with greatest possible dispatch. This was no easy undertaking, as the enemy made strong demonstrations for its capture.” [25]

Sheridan' s Trevilian Station Raid return
Map by Hal Jespersen, www.posix.com/CW Click image to enlarge

The vast wagon train and troops moved south, crossing the Chickahominy River at Jone’s Bridge and moved on to Charles City. They were constantly in their saddles and encountered skirmishes along the way. They reached the James River and crossed by ferry at Douthart’s landing. At the end of June they rejoined the Army of the Potomac and reached Prince George Courthouse and set up camp at City (Lighthouse) Point on the James River to rest and recruit both men and horses. During this ‘rebuilding’ they nevertheless had reconnaissance forays, a skirmish and an engagement at Darbytown.

General Sheridan stated:

“My command was now greatly reduced: it had been marching and fighting for fifty consecutive days, had marched over eight hundred miles exclusive of side issues – going for rations, going and coming from picket, etc. This fatiguing service had told so fearfully on my animals that the number dismounted men was large. My losses resulting from these wearing marches of the past two months were so obvious that my needs could no longer be neglected.” [26]

Most of the horses were suffering from large saddle sores on their backs and their ribs were showing. They remained at camp from July 2nd to the 26th. During this time, the corps received 1,500 horses and many of the dismounted men returned for calvary duty.

The Dragoons were back in the saddle again and on July 27th crossed the Appomattox River at Broadway Landing and moved north, crossing the James River at Deep Bottom and on the 28th engaged in a skirmish of Darbytown. From there they marched to Petersburg. On August 1st, 1863, the regiment took a transport, moving out of City Point, for Washington. They left Washington on August 6th, marched via Georgetown, Rockville, Clarksburg, Monocacy Bridge, Sandy Hook, and finally to Harper’s Ferry.

“Our march from Washington was wearisome, making forty miles yesterday; but the wearisomeness was greatly mitigated by the hearty greetings we received all through Maryland. All along the journey the people greeted us with waving handkerchiefs and cheers, women and girls were by the roadside with pails of cool water and one man had several large baskets of harvest apples which he tossed to us.” [27]

“Our entrance upon the Valley campaign was signalized as the entrance also upon our third year’s service. Two for the First New York Dragoons as honorable record. Since the opening of the spring campaign it has participated in fourteen hard fought battles, besides numerous minor engagements. It had repeatedly marched with unfaltering tread into the very jaws of death. Nearly half the brave boys who started out with us three months before, had either fallen in battle, were suffering in hospitals, or worse than all, were slowly dying of starvation and inhuman treatment in those terrible Golgothas, known as Confederate prisons.”[28]

With his usual determination and focus, Sheridan began preparations for an aggressive campaign in August, one that would have life changing impacts on Daniel Griffis.

William Griffis Heads South for the Red River Campaign

Scarcely back from his medical furlough at home, William Griffis and the 153rd New York Volunteers received orders to move at moment’s notice [29]:

February 16th 1864

No guards will be relieved until further orders from HeadQuarters. The men will be provided with haversacks, canteens & knapsacks complete. Company commanders will make immediate requisitions for all deficiencies in clothing &c. The men will carry with them their dress clothing & blouses. Company Commanders will immediately report how many men they can take with them & draw the necessary arms & equipments for all recruits.

By order of Edwin P. Davis, Colonel

On the 17th of February, the 153rd regiment received orders to march to Alexandria, Virginia on February 18, 1864 to embark on a steamship at 5:00 pm. They experienced a delay and, as directed, the regiment stayed at the Soldier’s Rest in Alexandria for two nights prior to departure.. Additional orders advised that the regiment would embark on the steam ship Mississippi. Companies A (William’s company), F, D and G were to occupy the lower bunks, lower deck. Five men were to populate each bunk. The officers were advised to ensure their men were properly provided for and no more room is used than what is needed. Companies I, H (Sarah Rosetta Wakeman’s company), E, K, G and B were to occupy the upper bunks, upper deck. The entire regiment was to occupy the forward part of the deck. [30]

Source: Map of Louisiana 1865 Click on Map for Larger View

The steamship departed on February 20, 1864 for a nineteen day voyage to Algiers, Louisiana, just across the Mississippi River from New Orleans. At the beginning of March, the regiment traveled from Algiers by rail to Brashear City (Number One Blue Dot on the map above). They then marched 53 miles to Franklin, Louisiana (Number 2 Blue Dot).

At Franklin they were assigned to the veteran First Brigade commanded by Brigadier General William Dwight; First Division commanded by Brigadier General William Emory; 19th Army Corps under Brigadier General William Franklin; Department of the Gulf. The 19th Army Corps, accompanied by the 13th Army Corps and a division of calvary began their combined journey up the Bayou Teche.

On March 15th, 1864, the army set out for Shreveport, making their way to Washington, Louisiana (Number 3 Blue Dot above). The army stopped at Washington after covering 80 miles in five days.

On March 21st, 1864 the army marched onward and camped at Holmesville on March 22nd (Number 4 Blue Dot above). As Ellias Pellet recalled in his history of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, a regiment that was attached with the 153rd in the First Brigade:

“On the evening of this day bivouacked at Holmesville, on the Upper Boeuf.  The country grows higher and better – more like our northern land.  Sugar mills are becoming rare, and cotton gins frequent.”[31]

It was during the long marches between March 15th to April 1, 1864 that William Griffis succumbed to heat stroke. Depending on who recalled the event, William may have developed heat stroke around March 16, 1864 near New Iberia, Louisiana or around April 1, 1864. As William’s first Lieutenant John Brownell stated in a pension request affidavit on September 3, 1883:

“… on or about the 16th day of March 1864 near New Iberia La during a very warm day he (Brownell) then said the claimant (William Griffis) while in line was taken suddenly seriously ill and fell from the ranks as desponent (sic) was at the time informed (he not being present just at that moment) saw claimant in a few moments thereafter in an ambulance looking very pale & seemed to be very much exhausted . That from that time on to the time of his discharge was not able to do the full duty of an able bodied soldier. That at times he would seem to be nearly well & then would be taken suddenly ill & be sent to the hospital or if on a march would be put in an ambulance.” [32]

On the 17th the army marched 16 miles to Vermilion Bayou which they reached at 3 pm and camped by the stream.  The remainder of the day and night was spent building a bridge over the bayou, the third time the engineers of the 114th completed a bridge over this water. The troops resumed their march at 6 o’clock the next day and passed through Vermilionville towards Carrioncrow Bayou.  “For six times, by starlight or beneath the burning rays of the sun“, the veteran troops of the 114th had traversed this road on prior campaigns. [33] For others it was a baptism of marching in the Louisiana heat. 

The 114th NY Volunteers, which were part of William Griffis’ brigade, had more experience marching and fighting in Louisiana. [34] In November, 1962, when William’s regiment was performing provost guard duty, the 114th sailed for New Orleans as part of one of General Banks’ earlier Louisiana expeditions. It was stationed for a time at Brashear City and neighboring points, and was first engaged at Fort Bisland, Louisiana. These soldiers were adapted to the heat and conditions of Louisiana and had a disdainful view of their Union comrades that were new to the environmental demands of the south.

Another personal account from a soldier in the companion 114th regiment supports Lieutenant Brownell’s recollections of when William Griffis suffered heat stroke.

The March 18th “march of nineteen miles was one of great severity and fatigue, and caused much straggling among the newly enlisted Regiments, that were making their first campaign.  It was painful to witness the young and pale-faced recruits, whose stiffened limbs and blistered feet could scarcely drag their tired bodies along.  They appeared, however, to attract little sympathy from the old campaigners.  Whenever a column passed by a squad of weary and disconsolate looking stragglers, the poor fellows would be greeted with such shouts as these: “Say, ain’t you sorry you came a soldiering, for nine hundred and a c-a-o-w?’ “Hurry up there. Old Limpy, we’ve got to march eleven miles further to-day,’ ‘ Here’s where you get the worth of your bounty money.’  Hundreds of knapsacks, filled with valuable clothing, were thrown away by the side of the road. These our men eagerly appropriated for their own use…” [35]

Another soldier of the 114th, remembered a long and hot day of marching March 29, 1864: “During our terrible march to-day under the hot sun which seems to scorch with all the fury of its concentrated rays, many of the men of the regiments, new in the campaign, although claiming to be ‘veterans’, fell out by the wayside totally unable to proceed.  Some of them had thrown away their knapsacks and blankets, and even then unable to keep up, sunk down overpowered and overcome. Two years ago the men of our regiment would have sympathized with these sufferers, but now they passed them with all manner of ribald jests, laughing at their veteran stripes and ridiculing their fatigue.[36]

“To a stranger passing along the line of our regiment it would be hard for him to decide what regiment it was, our men had so thoroughly supplied themselves with the new “four dollar knapsacks”, which these other regiments had thrown away – for there were more wearing numbers Twenty-Ninth Maine, Thirtieth Maine, and One Hundred and Fifty-Third New York than of the regiment to which they really belonged.” [37]

Soldiers on both sides grappled with a common enemy: heat-related illness brought on by the blazing sun.  Although many of the soldiers were accustomed to the outdoor elements as farmers or laborers, the demands of war made prolonged exposure to the sun far more dangerous. Civil war soldiers became vulnerable to heat related ailments due to long days of marching under heavy packs and wearing woolen clothing that were not conducive to evaporation. [38] In addition, inadequate hydration and the soldier’s typical diet did not help with heat related ailments. The unreliability of water sources on long marches and the limited size of army canteens (usually 32 ounces) contributed to dehydration. Even if a soldier ate half of the daily rations purportedly given to them, their diet lacked vegetables, a major source of minerals which can be depleted during strenuous activity in heat. [39]

The most common affliction was heat exhaustion, brought on when the body can no longer dissipate enough heat to avoid dehydration and electrolyte abnormalities.  A second more serious condition is heat stroke which occurs when prolonged exposure causes the body’s methods for regulating temperature to break down.  The remedy for heat exhaustion is usually to cease activity and allow the body to cool down.  Heat stroke can cause the death of organs such as the kidneys lungs and brain. Even if one recovers, the damaged internal organs do not function properly, often leaving the survivor disabled. [40]

“It should not be supposed that soldiers upon a march are compelled to observe the regular cadence of step, and move in all the precision of a drill or a parade.  On the contrary, the men are allowed to adopt whatever gait they may choose, carry their guns and equipments in any position most conductive to ease, converse, or shout as much as they please, and in fact are subject to one restriction, and that is they must keep their relative places in the line. If a soldier is taken sick, he can easily secure a card from his Surgeon, who always rides in the rear of his Regiment, if his complaint on investigation proves to be genuine.  Whenever, the ambulance train may come along, this card is a voucher to the ambulance officer that the bearer is entitled to a ride.” [41]

Source: Map of Louisiana 1865 Click on Map for Larger View

From Holmesville, Louisiana, Banks’ army marched 15 miles on March 23rd to Cheneyville and the following day continued their march 18 miles before they slept in the rain on the grounds of the Wells plantation on the March 24th.

Up to this point the army has yet to encounter any confederate forces.  They learned at this point that Brigadier General Smith’s troops had captured Fort De Russy leaving Alexandria open to the Union Army.  On the 25th the army reached Alexandria and marched down main street in review of General Banks.  The army camped north of town by the Bayou Rapides and stayed here for two days (Number 5 Blue Dot on the map below).

“At just twelve o’clock, noon, we marched  into the city with all ‘the pomp and circumstance of glorious war’.  General Banks, Franklin, Emory, Smith Mower, and staffs, reviewed us as we passed, amid the huzzas of the men.  The inhabitants, unwilling spectators of the scene, looked on in grave silence.  We passed through the city, and bivouacked half a mile beyond.”[42] 

Alexandria is situated on the Red River about 350 miles from New Orleans.  High bluffs overlook the river.  When the 153rd arrived in Alexandria, there were about 70 Union river steamboats and a dozen iron clads stretched along the levee.  The naval contingent carried food and ammunition for the army. Their forces were now consolidated for their expedition to Shreveport with Alexandria as their base. 

The entire force was estimated at 45,000 troops, including the naval contingent, the 16th Army Corps and the 17th Army Corps.  Brigadier General William Dwight assumed command of William Griffis’ Brigade which consisted of the 29th Maine regiment, 114th New York regiment, 116th New York regiment , the 153rd and 161st New York Volunteers. 

On March 28th, the 19th Corps marched northward along the Red River (Number 6 Blue Dot on the map above). The Corps commenced their march at 10 am.  The roads were bad and the army wagon trains moved slowly. Their march took them from the flat, gulf countryside to the “Piney Woods”, heavily pined woods with rugged hills which contrasted from the Louisiana low lands. These woods extended over a 75 square mile tract of land. The troops were off of the river and and into the dry brush area.   On March 29th , it was very dusty and dry.  the marches were ‘almost unendurable from the dust, which was six inches deep“. [43] On March 31st, they marched again to the Cane River and halted to lay out a pontoon bridge.

Photograph of a Pontoon Wagon [44]

Click here for larger view of photograph

“A pontoon train is an important auxiliary to the movements of an army in a country so interspersed with bayous as Louisiana. Our train consists of a great number of large, heavy wagons, which to the causal observer would appear to be laden with lumber. … The ‘lumber” is so nicely fitted that it can be, in a few moments, put together – forming boats – the length of which may be fifteen feet. These boats are anchored in the stream, lengthwise , and planking, likewise transported in the train, is placed on the boats forming a good and substantial bridge. the rapidity with which a stream can thus be made passible for troops and trains is surprising. Its object gained, it is as quickly taken up and replaced on the wagons.” [45]

Another 18 mile march on April 1 took the army across the Cane River again and the next day they arrived at Natchitoches and five miles beyond the town at Grand Ecore Landing they camped. (Number 6 Blue Dot on the map above).

Battle of Pleasant Hill

With the combined forces of the 16th and 17th Corps of approximately 45,000 troops and Admiral Porter’s fleet of gunboats, Banks anticipated marching another 90 miles to Shreveport to establish a presence and return General Smith’s troops to General Sherman for General Grant’s spring offensive. On April 6th, the troops marched 18 miles to Pleasant Hill. (Number 7 Blue Dot on the map above). On April 8th, the 13th Corps passed in front of the 19th Corps on a long narrow road and the 19th bivouacked in a clearing by the side of the road. [46] The calvary as continued northward as the vanguard. At Mansfield, Louisiana, the Confederate troops under the son of former President Zachary Taylor, Major General Richard Taylor, attacked the Union calvary who were part of the long marching train of troops.

The calvary under Gen’l Lee, after driving the enemy from Pleasant Hill, had pushed on after them … early on the morning of the 8th, they proceeded on their way, but, within four miles of Mansfield … . Just at this point the road runs through a dense wood emerging into a large prairie miles in extent. With very little caution Gen’l Lee permitted his wagon train to follow the column so closely that when he reached this open field the train was within the wood.  Here a large body of the enemy was found, who opened upon them so unexpectedly, and with such fury, as to make the holding of their position impossible. … The road being blocked up by the wagon train, and it being impossible to turn the crazy mules and frantic drivers, Nimb’s Sixth Mass, and the Chicago mercantile batteries, together with the supply train, were captured. [47]

The 13th Crops were ordered to support the calvary but the number of confederate troops made their attempts useless. At the start of the battle, Taylor had approximately 9,000 troops. He had also called on the 5,000 men in the divisions of Brigadier General Thomas J. Churchill and Brigadier General Mosby M. Parsons that had been encamped near Keachi, between Mansfield and Shreveport. These troops arrived late in the afternoon, after the battle had commenced. The 13th Corps retreated and fled down the narrow road from where they originally came. The 19th Corps was ordered forward and formed a line of battle and halted Taylor’s attack (Click on Map on left for larger view [48]

The 153rd New York volunteers were detached from the First Brigade during this battle to relieve the 30th Maine volunteers and to guard the supply train in the rear.

The First Brigade, General Dwight, formed the front line, the One Hundred and Fourteenth being in the centre, the One Hundred and Sixteenth upon the right, the Twenty-Ninth Maine upon the left, the One Hundred and Fifty-Third having been left to guard the train.  [49]

With no further advances by the Confederate troops, the 153rd rejoined the 19th Corp and retreated and arrived in the early morning on April 9th back at Pleasant Hill to create a defensive position against the Confederates.

The following maps from the Official Records of the Civil War provide an illustration of where William Griffis and the 153rd NY volunteers were during the Battle of Pleasant Hill [50]. The 19th Corps was ordered to create a line of defense to anticipate follow up attacks. The 153rd NY volunteers were stationed with General Dwight’s command (map below Page 230). Under the command of General Emory, the 19th Corps made a slow retreat up the slope of Pleasant Hill when the Confederates attacked around 4:30 in the afternoon. The Confederates emerged as two advancing lines over the crest of the hill. Union forces attacked from the rear of the Confederate’s advance and the 19th Corps was ordered to attack and rush the enemy lines. The confederates started to flee and the Union troops continued their pursuit and recaptured their artillery that was originally taken from the 13th Corps the day before and captured 500 Confederate prisoners.

Battle of Pleasant Hill at 5 pm
Battle of Pleasant Hill at 5 pm April 9, 1864 Click for enlarged view
Battle of Pleasant Hill at 5:45 pm
Battle of Pleasant Hill at 5:45 pm on April 9, 1864 Click for enlarged view
Battle of Pleasant Hill at 7 pm
Battle of Pleasant Hill at 7 pm April 9, 1864 Click for enlarged view

The fighting ended in darkness. The 153rd regiment with the 19th Corps stayed their ground and spend that evening listening to the wounded and dying on the battlefield beyond their picket line.

“There is scarcely a soldier but that would prefer the honest engagement rather than spend such a night amid such scenes as we witnessed on the 9th of April… . Our Brigade behaved splendidly, and the One Hundred and Fifty-Third, which has never before been under fire, won much credit to itself by the steady and decisive manner in which it delivered its fire on the enemy.” [51]

The battle of Pleasant Hill was more severe in its character than the contest the day before, since the whole army – all its Divisions, Brigades and Regiments – were engaged. It was a close hand-to-hand contest, in which artillery could be little used.  It was in fact a succession of charges and counter-charges.  [52]

The Strategic Retreat Back to the Mississippi

The army had depleted its supply of food, munitions, water and supply trains were not within reach. At midnight on April 9th, orders were received to fall back to Grand Ecore on the Red River. The 153rd regiment arrived at Grand Ecore on April 11th, after three days and and nights with no rest and little food, marching over 50 miles.

“A most decided victory had been gained; the disgrace of the night before had been wiped out, and a desire to follow the retreating enemy at once, or at least in the morning, was uppermost in all our hearts. But our haversacks were empty, and hungry stomachs demanded rations. What could we do without them, and they were miles in the rear hastening back to Grand Encore?” [53]

General Banks’ army went into bivouac at Grand Ecore and rested and resupplied for 10 days. Despite wanting to continue his campaign, General Banks was beyond the agreed upon deadline to return Brigidier General Smith’s troops to General Sherman. Admiral Porter’s fleet was also in danger of being grounded since the water level in the Red River was falling. A final card that forced Banks’ hand to fold was the command’s discovery on April 20th that Confederate General Taylor’s troops had gotten around to Banks’ rear down the river. They needed to retreat.

The retreat began April 21st at 10 in the evening. The troops marched until dawn and throughout the next day for 35 miles.

It was a terrible march, trying to the utmost the endurance of every man. Scores were unable to keep up, and with utter disregard of life, they fell out of the column unable to move further.  One man belonging to the One Hundred and Fourteenth N.Y. Vols., dropped dead on that march from exhaustion. [54]

With a few hours of rest, they resumed their march at 4 a.m. on April 23rd. At sunrise, the army arrived at Monett’s Bluff, one of two Cane River crossings along their route of retreat. The Conferates were across the river on a high bank with infantry and artillery . The Third Brigade was ordered to move three miles up the river and cross the stream and go back down the side of the river to attack on the left flank of the Confederates. The 153rd NY volunteers were assigned with the First Brigade and were posted in the trees below the bluff across the river (yellow arrow in map). [55]

Click here to see larger image of map.

While posted in the trees, William Griffis and the 153rd waited for several hours for the Third Brigade to attack while being subjected to constant artillery bombardment from the Confederates on the high bluff across the river. The Third Brigade finally attacked and the battle lasted for an hour. At that point the 153rd’d Brigade was commanded to cross the river and lead a charge on the Confederates. By the time they crossed the river, the Confederates were on the run and fleeing.

Within an hour of the victory, the engineers constructed a pontoon bridge over the Cane River and the army continued its march until midnight. The army rested at Alexandria, Louisiana while constantly skirmishing with Confederates. [56]

The water level of the Red River near Alexandria fell so low that Admiral Porter’s fleet was in peril. There was a mile-long, 758-foot-wide stretch of water that featured two 6-foot-high waterfalls bookending three sets of rapids. The crews of Porter’s flotilla began to offload their heavy cargoes in preparation for running this obstacle course. Unfortunately, within a short time, the water level dropped from nine feet to just more than three feet, virtually grounding the fleet’s 10 heaviest gunboats on the river bottom. Porter, with considerable distance between his vessels and the Mississippi River, was unable to move and faced the possibility of scuttling his entire fleet.

Just as their plans seemed hopeless to salvage the fleet, an officer in the 19th Corps offered Porter a possible solution. Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Bailey, a civil engineer in civilian life, suggested that they build dams to raise the water level. Before the war, Bailey had been a Wisconsin lumberman who had experience in building dams for running log running to sawmills. Bailey had originally proposed the dam option while the army marched northward in early April when he was concerned about the falls at this point in the river. Porter and other engineers originally thought that Bailey’s ideas were “madness”. Given the increasingly dire situation, Porter reluctantly gave his approval.

Joseph Bailey built bulwarks to trap water, then let loose the rising flood and saved the Union fleet.

Photograph, Library of Congress [57]

Click for larger view of photo.

Porter immediately diverted sailors, flatboats, and barges to the project. He also obtained the support of General Banks who reassigned 3,000 troops, as well as scores of mules, oxen, and wagons to assist in the dam building venture.

Below the falls, Bailey constructed both a crib dam (filled with bricks, stones, and railroad iron) and a tree dam. Bailey then had four 24- by 170-foot coal barges, filled with anything that would sink, submerged at intervals in the middle of the resulting 150-foot-wide gap. This portion of the dam was designed to completely block the water’s flow. Farther upstream, he built two wing dams on both sides of the river to help funnel the water to the main dam area. It was his plan, once the water level rose to a sufficient height, to blast or break through the barriers, thereby allowing the Union vessels to ride the rushing torrent over and past the falls and rapids.[58]

Bailey ordered the cutting and trimming of oaks, elms, and pines that were plentiful near Pineville, Louisiana. . The operation was fortunate to have ‘skilled labor’ with soldiers from Wisconsin, Maine, and New York who were already familiar with the use of axes and the felling of timber. It is possible that William Griffis was involved with the damn building. Bailey was also had assistance from the 97th and 99th U.S. Colored Troops, two engineer regiments, that were on hand to perform the majority of the main dam’s construction. [59]

Cloth map prepared to show Bailey’s dam design to free Union boats unable to move on the Red River in May 1864. Bailey was a lieutenant colonel at the time, not a brevet brigadier general. (Wisconsin Historical Society)

Construction of the dam took 11 days. On May 12th the dam works were completed and Porter’s fleet successfully passed through mile long area near Alexandria.

The army resumed its retreat march skirmishing with Confederate troops the entire way. The 153rd NY Volunteers were part of the the Battle of Mansura (May 15-16) and the Engagement at Avoyelle’s Prairie on May 16th. Confederate Major General Richard Taylor attempted to slow the General Banks’ Union troops’ movements and, if possible, deplete their numbers or destroy them. The Union forces passed Fort DeRussy, reached Marksville, and then continued east.

At Mansura, Taylor massed his forces in an open prairie that controlled access to the three roads traversing the area, where he hoped his artillery could cause many casualties. Early on the morning of May 16th, the Union forces approached, and skirmishing quickly ensued. After a four-hour fight, a large Union force massed for a flank attack, forcing the Confederates to fall back. The Union troops marched to Simmesport. Taylor’s force harassed the enemy’s after the battle with little effect.

The End of the Red River Campaign

When the 153rd NY regiment reached Morganza on the Mississippi River on May 21st, 1864, the Red River Campaign ended. The 153rd regiment was garrisoned at Morganza between May 21st through July 1st, 1864. At this point, the 16th and 17th Army Corps parted, as agreed upon, from the command of General Banks.

As a soldier from the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers stated:

“May 22 – To-day we reached the long desired haven, and have gone to camp on the right bank of he Mississippi, at a landing called Morganza, situated near Morgan’s Bend, and about twenty-five miles above Port Hudson. Gladly were orders for permananert encampment received. Seventy days the hardest kind of campaigning, in excessive heat, and in clouds of dust, much of the time on half rations, often lengthening our march fare into the night, had taxed human endurance to its utmost, and we were happy in the prospect of respite from further toils.”[61]

Another soldier of the 114th distilled his experiences of the Red River campaign as such:

“(We) had marched in the neighborhood of FIVE HUNDRED AND FIFTY MILES. Deducting the time at different places, by halts in advance and in retreat, and in building dams, fortifications and bridges, which is more than half of the whole, there will be left, marching time, barely THIRTY-FOUR DAYS.

“The battle of Sabine Cross Roads, and the march from Pleasant Hill and back, about thirty-five miles, all took place within the sum of TWENTY-FOUR HOURS.

“The March from Natchitoches, and the retreat to Grand Encore, one hundred and six miles, including the battles of Sabine Cross Roads and Pleasant Hill, occupied less than SIX DAYS.

“The distance from Grand Encore to Alexandria, eighty miles, and including the battle of Cane River Crossing, which occupied nearly one-quarter of the time, was made in FOUR DAYS.

“When it is remembered that every soldier carries upon his person a burden of from fort-five to fifty pounds, made up of his fighting equipage – of a part, at least, of his cooking and eating utensils – of the house he lives in – of the clothes he wears – of the bed he sleeps in – and often from three to five day’s rations – and the magnitude of the work performed by the soldiers cannot fail to be comprehended.” [62]

William Returns to the East

In July, 1864, the 1st and 2nd Divisions of the 19th Corps proceeded to New Orleans, and embarked for Virginia, leaving the rest of the regiments of the 19th Corps in Louisiana. This part of the 19th Corps was under the command of General William H. Emory; the 1st Division, containing 17 regiments including the 153rd NY Volunteers, was commanded by General William Dwight; the 2nd Division, containing 4 brigades, 21 regiments, was conmanded by General Cuvier Grover.

Membership Medal 153rd Regiment New York Volunteers

After the Civil War, one of William Griffis’ Grand Army of the Republic (GAR) membership medals, this one was for the 153rd Regiment New York State Volunteers for fighting in the First Division, First Brigade of the the 19th Army Corp. The cross was the Corps insignia.

Click image for enlarged view.

The two divisions embarked for Washington City through Fort Monroe, Hampton, Virginia. On July 1st, the message ‘strike your tents quickly, men’ was passed from company to company. At sundown companies B,E, G, and K of the 114th regiment and the 153rd regiment marched to the steam boat “Crescent”and boarded. By 7 pm the troops started down river, they arrived below Baton Rouge at day break , passed Donaldsonville at noon and came into sight of New Orleans . 

At day break on July 3rd the men were ordered off shore at New Orleans and proceeded to the Alabama Cotton Press, a low brick building occupying an entire square with a hollow court in the center. The soldiers were quartered and a ‘strong guard’ was posted to keep them contained. Yet during the day a considerable number secured passes or obtained access to the town.  Although it was Sunday, they found shops and stores open. 

Public squares were filled with sportive children. The great French market swarmed with a noise, chattering, gesticulating multitude of French-men, Spaniards, Creoles, Germans, Irish, Africans and Multattoes. A perfect Babel of languages, yet all were in wonderful good humor, as they sipped their tiny cups of coffeee, or partook of some dainty French dish. [63]

They proceeded to reboard the Corinthian and set sail on July 5th and Colonel Davis of the 153rd opened his sealed orders to discover their destination.  They were to proceed to Fort Monroe, Old Point Comfort, Virginia to receive further orders from Brigadier General Emory, commanding the detachment of the 19th Army Corp.  They were to avoid Key West on the account of the prevalence of yellow fever.

The first day of their voyage on July 4th was one of great heat and the sea “as smooth as a pond”.  The men sweltered in the iron walls of the vessel. The next two days were a continuation of calm, hot weather.  They passed within a few miles of the Dry Tortugas and had “an excellent view of Fort Jefferson” and mid day were in sight of Key West. Several days passed and on the afternoon of July 9th, they passed Hatteras Inlet and in the evening the night house on the Cape wash far astern. 

The forenoon of the 10th, the Crescent came in sight of Cape Henry, and soon took aboard a pilot. As they sailed forward, the heavy stone walls of Fortress Monroe, the little rocky island of the Rip Raps, the shores, forests and houses every moment came more distinctly in view.  [64]

At noon, Colonel Davis went shore and quickly returned with orders to proceed to Washington City. General Grant ordered the 19th Army Corps to Washington City to defend the city against a possible attack by Confederate forces under the command of Lieutenant General Jubal Early.

It was quite certain that the Nineteenth Corps was ordered North for the purpose of re-enforcing the Army of he Potomac at Petersburg, but the first transport arriving at Fort Monroe at the exact time that the news of the rebel raid into Maryland was received, they were hurried forward to the defense of the Capital, and if necessary, of more northern towns and cities.  [65]

The 153rd arrived at Washington City on July 11 a little after noon and marched north to Fort Stevens. The city of Washington prepared for the Confederate assault in the midst of one of the worst hot spells in its history that lasted 47 days without rain with temperatures exceeding 90 °F. [66] Despite the number of troops in the capital, the city Washington was really lacking in its defensive capabilities. General John G. Barnard, Grant’s engineering officer, noted that many of the troops were not actually fit for duty because they were new recruits, unseasoned reserves, troops recovering from wounds, or worn-out veterans. Bernard estimated that instead of 31,000, the actual number of effective troops was around 9,600, equal to Early’s number of troops. [67]. The arrival of the 6th and 19th Army Corps brought desperately needed veteran reinforcements. 

President Lincoln, his wife Mary, and some officers rode out to observe the attack, either on July 11 or July 12, and were briefly under enemy fire that wounded a Union surgeon standing next to Lincoln on the Fort Stevens parapet. [68] The additional Union reinforcements from the 6th and 19th Army Corps arrived and were placed in reserve behind the line. The skirmishing continued into July 12th, when Early finally decided that Washington could not be taken without heavy losses. [69]

Map shows the 6th Army Corps as a reserve, 19th Corp is not shown on this map.[67]

The following is an entertaining rendition of what happened during the battle of Fort Stevens with the 6th and 19th Corps marching through Washington to assist in the defense of Fort Stevens. [70]

For more movie reenactment see lionhearted film works

Between July 14th and the 23rd, 1864, the 153rd regiment, as part of the 19th Army Corps, marched westward in pursuit of Early’s troops, following the Confederate forces through Snicker’s Gap and in the the Shenandoah Valley.

On the 15th, the 19th Army Corp passed through Rushville, Maryland and forded Seneca Creek and encamped without supper. In the morning a new commissary arrived for the First Brigade with a wagon train of supplies. providing food for the troops. [71]

On the 16th the troops marched through Poolesville and halted, waiting for the passage of the 6th Corps over the Potomac River.  They forded the Potomac between 5 and 6 in the early evening.

“An unusual sight here met the eyes of men. From bank to bank, stretching across the water for 600 feet, a column of soldiers were floundering, splashing and struggling against the current, while they were slowly moving over to he opposite side.  Quickly the boys made preparations for crossing the stream.  Removing their cartridge boxes and haversacks, they attached them to the end of their guns.  Some divested themselves of their shoes and stocking, and others rolled up their trousers to their hips.  Then plunging into the cold water, they slowly felt their way over the slippery rocks. In the middle of the river the water was about waist deep, and there very many unlucky men who were carried off their feet, receiving a thorough ducking before they could recover themselves.” [72]

They entered Virginia and resumed their march on July 17th. They passed through Leesburgh, Virgina early morning on July 18th and continued through Hamilton, Purcellville towards Snicker’s Gap. By sundown they entered the Gap and bivouacked at 9 in the evening.

Early on July 20th a reconnaissance force found that the Confederates had fallen back and the army was ordered to advance. Later in the day it was found that the Confederates retreated further into the valley and the pursuit was discontinued. A terrible shower drenched the men and muddied the road. They reforded the Shenandoah, toiled up the mountainside, through the Gap and descended in Louden County.  The morning sun dawned on the men as they reached Leesburg.  Many of the men were indignant at the treatment they received for having to be rushed along and then ordered to fall back to Washington. [73]

In the evening of July 21st, the regiment broke camp and crossed over Goose Creek and camped on the opposite side.  On the 22nd they marched through Drainsville.  At 8 in the evening the troops sought out places to sleep upon a rough and stony field.  The troops were again in line at 7 a.m. on the 23rd and pushed toward Washington. In the afternoon they went through Lewsiville near a steep and deep gorge to the Potomac and crosssed a chain bridge coming out on the Maryland side and camped a mile down the road at Battery Vermont.

In the ten days of being in the Army of the Potomac, the 19 army corps had marched 125 miles [74]

“On the evening of the 25th of July, the exciting intelligence was received that the enemy was again in Maryland. Orders were given given to be ready to march in the morning, with four day’s rations in haversacks, and eight day’s in the wagons.  All night the Quartermasters and Commissaries labored to supply the men with food and clothing.  The sick, of which there were quite a number in camp, were sent to the hospitals in the city.” [75]

On the 26th at 10 a.m. the army was on the march, going through Tennallytown, then through Rockville and bivouacked five miles beyond at midnight.

The following day the army marched through the little villages of Seneca Mills, Middlebrook, and Clarksburgh.  In the afternoon they marched through Hyattsville and bivouacked a few miles beyond. 

On July 27th at 5 a.m. resumed the march and were ordered to stop at the Monocacy River.  They found the debris of battle, bloody clothing, shoes and caps scattered in the fields from the prior battle between Early’s army and the Union General Lew Wallace. The 19th marched two miles up the river and then waded through the stream and continued marching to Frederick.

“The citizens were all in the streets, witnessing the approach of the army.  From windows and from house tops, flags were flying.  Well dressed and handsome ladies were flirting handkerchiefs, or throwing bouquets in the ranks.  By the sidewalks, pails fo water and lemonade, or baskets of cake and fruit, were placed for the soldiers to help themselves as they passed along. Little children ran through the lines to distribute knickknacks.  Women overloaded the haversacks and pockets of men with all manner of goodies.”  [76]

After passing through the city the 19th they stopped to allow the 6th corps to move ahead.  Advancing four miles on the 19th, they bivouacked in a wheat field. At this point, General Hunter in command of the Department of Western Virginia took command of the 19th Corp.

On July 29th the column was in motion on the road to Harper’s Ferry.  They marched through Peterson, Knoxville, Weaverton, and entered Harper’s Ferry near sunset.  They passed through the village of Bolivar and camped after 20 miles of marching.

On the 31st the 6th and 19th continued their march to Frederick and two and a half miles on the Emmetsburgh Pike and camped in a wooded area.

On the 30th of July information was received that the Confederates were moving towards Pennsylvania and destroyed Chambersburg.  Instantly the army was put in motion retracing their steps through Bolivar and Harper’s Ferry and camped past Petersville near Kittoctan Creek. The following day at 6 a.m. the 6th and 19th continued toward Frederick. “The day was extremely hot and sultry.” Over 200 men in the 6th Army Corp fell down in the road from sunstroke. 

My Brother was Close By

August 1st, the troops rested  having heard that the rebels recrossed the Potomac. At this time the entire 19th Corps was augmented with General Grover’s Division and General Dwight was in charge of the First Division. General Emory was in command of the entire 19th.

For two days the Army was at Monocacy Junction, Maryland.  Finally at 4 p.m. on August 4 the order came to move with 4 days of rations. Troops were constantly moving by rail  towards Harper’s Ferry.  The 19th Corps was waiting by the Baltimore and Ohio (B&O) Railway.  At 1 in the morning an order came for the First Brigade of the 19th Corps to jump aboard a train.

“The box cars were very crowded, even their roofs contained scarcely a hanging-on place, being covered with officers and men. Soon the whistle blew and the ponderous train moved off through the darkness.” [77]   By morning the men unloaded at Maryland Lights.

“The men were being disgusted with marching hither and thither, in pursuit of the enemy, but never able to find him. It seems to them useless labor to pass between Monocacy and Harper’s Ferry, three times in a single week.” [78]

As indicated earlier in this story, the First NY Dragoons remained at camp from July 2nd to the 26th. On August 1, 1863, the First Dragoons took a transport, moving out of City Point, Virginia for Washington City and arrived on August 6th. They marched through Washington on August 6 and continued through Georgetown, Rockville, Clarksburg, Monocacy Bridge, Sandy Hook, and finally to Harper’s Ferry. Daniel’s regiment mirrored part of the route of his brother William’s regimental route to Harper’s ferry.

Path of William and Daniel at the onset of the Shenandoah Campaign [79] Click for larger view

It is not known if the two brothers were aware of their proximity at this point in time. While Daniel and William were bivouacked in Harper’s Ferry August 9-11, Sheridan’s Army of the Shenandoah consisted of roughly 50,000 troops. It is unlikely they knew they were so close to each other. Even if they were cognizant of their proximity, the ability to see each other was likely out of the question. Daniel and William were geographically so close to each other but in many ways miles apart physically, psychologically and emotionally. Now they were to share a short period of time as soldiers under General Sheridan on the march south into the Shenandoah valley. Between August 5th through the 13th, Daniel and William were physically closer to each other than they could have imagined throughout the Civil War and it would have family altering effects.

On August 7th Sheridan arrived and took command of the army.  For the two divisions of the 19th Army Corp that were ordered to come north to fight under Sheridan, the two divisions in August, 1864, had an aggregate strength of 21,640, present and absent; 14,645 present, with 13,176 present for duty. [80]

On August 10 at 5 in the morning , Sheridan started his entire army from its secure camp on Bolivar Heights for the Shenandoah Valley Campaign. At 9 in the morning they reached Charlestown. Beyond the town the 8th Corps was sent to the left of the pike, the 6th to the right and the 19th in the center of the road. All moved in parallel columns.  The wagon train, pursuant to Army Orders and practice were probably behind the 6th, 8th and 19th army Corps guarded by 100 day men. [81] After an 18 mile march they camped near Berryville at 5 pm.

On the 11th William and his comrades marched left of the road in open country guided by compass and camped near Newtown.  The marched by the flank, slowly feeling their way southward.  They could hear cannon towards the front, signifying that the calvary was engaged with the Confederates.

“That day our men tramped over rough, rocky fields, through deep, tangled forests, fording clear running streams, pushing over stone walls, or tearing down rail fences, to make a passage for the column.  At sundown they camped near the village of Newtown.” [82]

On the 12th the troops marched to the valley pike. “This celebrated thoroughfare is, perhaps the best specimen of a macadamized road in the country. Notwithstanding immense armies, with their ponderous wagon trains and artillery, had continually passed to and fro for three years over this road, with a single reapair upon it, our men found it as smooth and as hard as the best pavement. Not a rut or a mud – hole marred its wide , even surface . The mules trundled the army wagons over it with comparative ease , while their hoofs gave out a metallic ring.” [83]

The army moved alongside the pike in parallel columns through the adjoining fields while the advance portions of the army kept up a continual fire on the rebel rear guard. In the afternoon of August 12th the army passed through the village of Middletown, Virginia and camped in an open, level field.

Before daylight on August 13th, the troops were ordered to “stand under arms until sunrise”. Throughout the day the 19th Army Corp, William’s regiment, remained quiet in camp while the 6th Corps was skirmishing with the Confederates.

As Harris Beecher of the 114th NY Volunteers, who was part of the same Brigade and Army Corps as William Griffis’ 153rd regiment, recalled:

“The rations of our men were now exhausted, and the supply train was captured and destroyed the evening before, by Mosby’s guerrillas, who, having passed through Snicker’s Gap, were hovering in the rear.” [84]

This is when Daniel Griffis was captured and made prisoner. William was ‘standing under arms’ close to Newtown, Virgina. Daniel was captured near Berryville, Virginia, 31 miles away. The story of Daniel Griffis’ capture and subsequent imprisonment is told in another story.

In a subsequent report to General Robert E. Lee, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Mosby summarized his August 13, 1864 raid:

“On the morning of August 13 I attacked, near Berryville, the enemy’s supply train, which was guarded by some 700- or 800 infantry and calvary, under the command of Brigadier-General Kenly. Completely routed the guard, with a loss over 200 prisoners, including 3 lieutenants, besides several killed and wounded. Captured and destroyed 75 loaded wagons and secured over 200 head of beef-cattle, between 500 and 600 horses and mules, and many valuable stores. My loss 2 killed and 3 wounded. My force numbered something over 300 men, with two mountain howitzers. One howitzer became disabled before being brought into action by breaking a wheel; the other after firing a few rounds was rendered useless also by breaking of the carriage.” [85]

General Lee subsequently relayed this information to the Confederate Secretary of War:

“Colonel Mosby reports that he attacked the enemies supply train near Berryville on the 13th; captured and destroyed 75 loaded wagons and secured over 200 prisoners, including several officers, between 500 and 600 horses and mules, upward of 200 beef-cattle and many valuable stores.  Considerable number the enemy killed and wounded.  His loss 2 killed and 3 wounded.” [86]

The Army of the Shenandoah

The army corps that came together in a time of emergency were now permanently organized in a distinct Army of the Shenandoah, it included the 6th, 8th and 19th Corps of infantry and a Calvary Corps under general Torbert, which included the First NY Dragoons.

In the afternoon of the 13th, a wagon train arrived loaded with provisions to replenish the supplies needed for William Griffis and the 19th Corps.  Mosby’s actions compelled Sherman to fall back.  Their movement commenced at 11 in the evening on the 15th.  The 19th Corps took the lead with the 6th taking the rear. By the light of the moon, men chatted, they passed Middletown, Newtown and Kearnstown.  Daylight found them on the outskirts of Winchester.

The camped outside of Winchester but at 4 a.m. on the 17th they were ordered to move. They traveled east on the Berryville Pike and forded two creeks and were back on the Pike, reaching Berryville at noon. The regiment went into camp on he same spot they had occupied when making their advance. It was this place that the supply wagon trains had been captured by Mosby. 

For fear of losing a portion of their wagon train to Mosby, on the 18th the army was ordered to retire in the direction fo Charleston, thirteen miles away. Toward the evening they bivouacked about three miles from Charleston near the Pike. They remained there until the 21st. , hearing constant firing in the direction of Berryville. About noon they started toward Charleston and reach the town in an hour, William’s regiment posted a battle line along the road.  Nothing happened and the troops once again commenced their retreat.  They reached their old camp in Bolivar Heights, Harper’s Ferry at 3 a.m. on August 22.

“It was clear that the General was pursuing a Fabian policy, in pursuance of orders from the Cammander-in Chief.  He avoided an open contest, yet he was constantly near the enemy, and sought in every way to annoy him. He endeavored to prevent him from joining his main army at Petersburg, while on the other hand, the rebels are evidently practicing similar tactics.” [87]

On one of their recurrent marches from their Harper’s Ferry base camp, on September 2nd,  they heard of Sherman’s capture of Atlanta. On September 17th, news flew through their camp that General Grant had arrived at their Headquarters.

“The remarks became general around campfires: “Now we shall have lively times.” “Old Grant will stop this playing with the enemy.” “Lookout now for  a big fight.” Some of us fellows won’t be living in a few days.”  [88]

General Grant had given orders to General Sheridan to go into the Shenandoah Valley with the intent of destroying General Early’s Army and the burn the countryside to halt further use of their resources against the Union army.  Sheridan initially started slowly, primarily because the impending presidential election of 1864 demanded a cautious approach, avoiding any disaster that might lead to the defeat of Abraham Lincoln. Now General Grant had given Sheridan the green light to proceed.

Map by Hal Jespersen, www.cwmaps.com, CC BY 3.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0>, via Wikimedia Commons Click for larger view

William’s regiment, the 153rd, was engaged in the Third Battle of Winchester, Virginia on September 19th, the Battle of Fisher’s Hill on September 22nd; and the Battle of Cedar Creek on October 19th. The last battle marked the destruction of Early’s forces and removed future hinderances forUnion troops in the Shenandoah valley.

Confederate General Early mistook Sheridan’s limited action in August to mean that Sheridan was afraid to fight, and he left his army spread out from Martinsburg to Winchester. Sheridan learned of Early’s dispersed forces and immediately struck out after Winchester, the location of two previous major engagements during the war, both of which were Confederate victories.

The Opequon: The Third Battle of Winchester [89]

Daniel’s Regiment of the First NY Dragoons and William’s regiment, the 153rd NY Volunteers fought at the battle of Opequon. [90] The Union forces coming in from the east had to march on the narrow road through Berryville Canyon, which got congested with supply wagons and troops, delaying the attack. This delay allowed Early to further strengthen his lines. [91]

United States, War Department. – United States, War Department. Atlas to Accompany the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1891 (2 vols.). Map created 1 Jan 1893 Link to original map Click to view enlarged map

At 11:40 A.M., Sheridan attacked with Major General Wright’s Union 6th Corps on the left flank on the Berryville Turnpike and the 19th Corps of which the 153rd regiment was a part, under Major General Emory, occupying the ground from Wright’s right flank northward to Red Bud Run. (Yellow arrow in the map above and below indicates the movement of the 153rd NY Volunteers). The Sixth Corps was supported by well placed batteries but Emory had no artillery going into the battle due to the rugged and wooded nature of the terrain.

Soon our men began to tramp in the shade of huge trees, where nothing was heard save the rustling of multitudinous feet, and the crackling of little trigs upon dry leaves. It seems as though everyone was holding his breath, in the dread stillness that preceded the impending crash. … and immediately the solemn woods roared and echoed with the crash of a thousand muskets.  Then yells and shrieks, the hissing noise of misses, the heavy, deep base of artillery, the humming of fragments of shells, joined in the confusion of unearthly sounds.”  [92]

After encountering heavy resistance from the Confederate divisions of Major General Stephen D. Ramseur on the Berryville Pike and John B. Gordon’s division (located in the Second Woods and Middle Field) in front of the XIX Corps, Sheridan succeeded in driving back the Confederates from their initial positions.

United States, War Department. – United States, War Department. Atlas to Accompany the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1891 (2 vols.). Map created 1 Jan 1893 Link to original map Click for larger view

Although Sheridan’s initial attack was successful, the terrain and road network combined with fierce Confederate artillery created a large gap in the center of the Union battle line. Lucky for General Early, the confederate Division of Major General Rodes arrived on the battle field and counterattacked in this gap, forcing both the 6th and 19th Corps to retreat. Sheridan, however, closed the breach by advancing the reserve divisions of the 6th and 19th Corps (William’s Corps). The 6th Corps division of Brigadier General Russell, who lost his life restoring the broken battle line, restored the broken line in the vicinity of the Berryville Pike to Ash Hollow in the center. In the northern sector of the battlefield, Brigadier General Dwight’s division held the Union right flank after much bitter fighting against Gordon and elements of Rodes’s command. Approximately at 2:00 p.m, a lull developed over the Berryville Pike sector of the battlefield, although Gordon kept up the pressure against Emory’s 19th Corps in the Middle Field near Red Bud Run.

Map created by Steven Stanley for Battlefield Trust Source: Battle of Third Winchester 3-4 pm Yellow Arrows depict movement of the 153rd Regiment

When the outcome of the initial noontime attack seemed in doubt, Sheridan sent the Army of West Virginia under Brigadier General George Crook (8th Army Corps) to locate the Confederate left flank and protect the right flank of the 19th Corps. Sheridan also ordered Brigadier General James H. Wilson’s cavalry division to advance toward Early’s right flank and cut off his line of retreat from Winchester. Wilson was late to start and was unsuccessful in his mission. Sheridan rode to his right flank where he found the hard pressed 19th Corps and assured General Emory that Crook was coming up and that the Union forces would ‘whip the rebels’. Crook reached the Union right flank, he found Sheridan waiting for him and advanced into the First Woods toward the Middle Field where Dwight’s division was still hanging on after taking heavy losses in its fight with Gordon. Crook decided to relieve the 19th Corps with Col. Joseph Thoburn’s division and then personally led Colonel Isaac Duval’s division on a flank march north of Red Bud Run and attack Gordon’s left flank.

When Crook attacked, Sheridan ordered the 6th Corps to join the attack. Ramseurs’ and Rodes Confederate divisions and Colonel Carter’s southern artillery offered resistance to the 6th Corps attack. Sheridan rode along its battle line, rallying and inspiring the troops as he moved toward the Berryville Pike.

Map created by Steven Stanley for Battlefield Trust Source: Battle of Third Winchester 5 pm and later Yellow Arrows depict movement of the 153rd Regiment

By 5:00 p.m., the Confederate line was completely surrounded with only an exit through Winchester.  Early’s Confederate troops began to fall back through Winchester.  Torbert’s Union cavalry charge down the Valley Turnpike captured the Star Fort, Fort Collier and many of their Confederate defenders, ending the battle. During the battle, fourteen Union enlisted men and one officer received the Medal of Honor for their actions. Two of the fourteen were members of the First NY Dragoons.

Battle of Fisher’s Hill

Shortly after the third battle of Winchester, Sheridan’s Army followed Early’s troops into the valley. Early knew the Valley well and understood that Fisher’s Hill afforded the best immediate opportunity to defend against Sheridan. The previous month he had sought refuge at Fisher’s Hill after feeling threatened by Federal forces and was never attacked. The battered Confederate army arrived at Fisher’s Hill during the early morning hours of September 20th and by noon had taken up defensive positions facing north to Strasburg. In order to adequately defend Fisher’s Hill, Early needed to have enough troops to stretch out over a four-mile front from Little North Mountain to Massanutten or his flanks would be exposed and vulnerable to assault. Despite the strength of being situated on a ridge, Early did not have a sufficient of troops to cover the four mile line. He was spread thin. [93]

Sheridan and his generals realized a frontal attack was unlikely to succeed and would result in heavy casualties. Major General George Crook came up with a plan that would involve his men getting into position during the night to flank the weak left side of enemy, the 6th and 19th corps could distract the Confederates by moving against Early’s front.

Map by Steven Stanley [94]

“Throughout the day on the 21st, Crook’s men stayed concealed in the woods north of Cedar Creek while the VI and XIX corps marched from the area around Strasburg south to Fisher’s Hill. Troops of the VI Corps occupied a small hill in front of Fisher’s Hill that was a good platform for artillery. Meanwhile, Crook’s men waited for the cover of darkness. Then, as the sun began to set, they marched southwest and occupied a position in an area of dense woods slightly north of Hupp’s Hill. Crook wore a private’s blouse, just in case prying eyes from Massanutten happened to land on him, and he ordered his color bearers to trail their flags, fearing that the bright colors of the Stars and Stripes or flagpole finials would attract attention.” [95]

To distract Early’s troops from the 8th Corps on their left flank, Sheridan directed Emory (19th Corps – William Griffis’ location) and Wright (6th Corps) to increase their activity along the Rebel front. The VIII Corps then moved into position along the eastern face of Little North Mountain and attacked at 4 p.m. The Confederate defense collapsed from west to east based on Crook’s efforts as Sheridan’s other corps joined in the assault along the Valley Pike.

Battle of Cedar Creek

The last major battle the William Griffis and the 153rd NY Volunteers fought was the Battle of Cedar Creek. [96] At dawn, October 19, 1864, the Confederate Army of the Valley under Lieutenant General Jubal A. Early surprised the Federal army at Cedar Creek and routed the 8th, 19th and 6th Corps.  Sheridan arrived 16 miles from Winchester to rally his troops, and, in the afternoon, launched a crushing counterattack, which recovered the battlefield. Sheridan’s victory at Cedar Creek broke the back of the Confederate army in the Shenandoah Valley.

The following video provides from American Battlefield Trust provides an excellent animated view of a battle that turned the tide against early and the Confederate forces in the Shenandoah valley.

Between November 28, 1864 and April 5, 1865, the 153rd NY Volunteers were assigned duty at Middletown, Newton and Stephenson’s Depot in Virginia until being transferred to Washington City on April 5, 1864. The regiment resumed duty in Washington City April 5, after a year and a half away from their original provost guard duties.

The Grand Review June 1865

After Lee’s surrender the regiment assisted in the grand review of the armies of Meade and Sherman on May 23, 1865, celebrating the end of the Civil War. This parade took two days with the eastern and western armies parading down Pennsylvania Avenue. [97]

THE GRAND REVIEW 1865 created Ken Hendricksen , May 6, 2015

On the first day, Edwards and the men of the 29th Regiment of Maine along with the Army of the Potomac and the Army of the Shenandoah marched past the reviewing stand where Johnson, General Ulysses S. Grant, and other dignitaries watched. General Meade, who was victorious at Gettysburg, led the eighty thousand soldiers of the Army of the Potomac with which by various accounts was an impressive sight. He then dismounted his horse at the reviewing stand in front of the White House to join the other dignitaries so that he too could salute his men who passed by over the next six hours. William Griffis was probably part of this march.

On the second day, General William T. Sherman led both the Army of Georgia, which had just completed a two thousand mile march through the heart of the Confederacy, and the Army of Tennessee that had arrived at Washington by train. Though tattered and worn, Sherman and the approximately sixty-five thousand troops marched down Pennsylvania Avenue.

The End of War in Savannah, Georgia

In July 1865, William Griffis and the 153rd was transferred to the Department of Georgia and was stationed at Savannah, Georgia. On October 2, 1865, the regiment was mustered out of service. During its service the regiment lost one officer and 38 enlisted men, killed or mortally wounded in battle. The regiment also lost one officer and 160 enlisted men due to disease. Total casualties were 200 or about 20 percent of the regiment’s original strength.

William Griffis went back home to Mayfield, New York area. He married Ruth Amanda Carpenter (1845-1914). Through their marriage they lived in Johnstown and Gloversville, New York. Throughout the remainder of his life, William Griffis experienced periodic bouts of fatigue and illness from his war experiences of sun stroke and ‘lung disease’.

This is a record of proof of marriage that is from Amanda Griffis’ request for a widower’s pension after William passed. [98]

View enlarged version of document

William and Amanda had four children.

It is not known when William found out that his brother Daniel was captured and died in a prisoner hospital.

Sources

Featured photograph: Photograph by Andrew J. Russell, U.S. Military photographer, Town of Culpepper Courthouse Under Union Occupation in the Fall of 1863, after major General George Meade’s army crossed the Rappahannock River. Clark B Hall Collection; Hall, Clark B., Rare images reveal a town torn by war, Mar 23, 2019. This was a town that Daniel Griffis probably passed through as a wagon master during the Campaigns with General Sheridan.

[1] John W. DeForest, “The Confederates Escape in the Teche Country”, in Henry Steel Commander, The Blue & the Gray, Vol I, Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1950, Page 474

[2] Brooksher, William Riley. War Along the Bayous: The 1864 Red River Campaign in Louisiana. Washington, D.C.: Brassey’s, 1998; Frassanito, William A. Grant and Lee: The Virginia Campaigns 1864–1865. New York: Scribner, 1983; Gallagher, Gary W., ed. The Wilderness Campaign. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997; Josephy, Jr., Alvin M. The Civil War in the American West. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992.; Kennedy, Frances H. The Civil War Battlefield Guide. New York: Houghton Miflin, 1998; Robertson, Henry, The Red River Campaign and Its Toll: 69 Bloody Days in Louisiana, March-May 1864. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2016; Symonds, Craig L. A Battlefield Atlas of the Civil War. Annapolis, Maryland: The Nautical and Aviation Publishing Company of America, 1983.; Troop engagements of the American Civil War, 1864, Wikipedia, page was last edited on 24 August 2020, page accessed 15 Jan 2021.; Nathaniel P. Banks, Wikipedia, page was last edited on 28 January 2021, page accessed 9 Feb 2021; Overland Campaign, Wikipedia, page was last edited on 9 February 2021; The Red River Campaign, American Battlefield Trust, page accessed 29 Jan 2021

[3] James Riley Bowen, Regimental History of the First New York Dragoons, Page 134.

[4] Shenandoah Valley Campaigns 21 Aug 2018, History.com; The Campaigns, Shenandoah Battlefields

[5] Gordon C. Rhea is an American lawyer and historian, who specializes in the American Civil War especially the Overland Campaign, his academic works are:

  • The Battle of the Wilderness, May 5–6, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994. 
  • The Battles for Spotsylvania Court House and the Road to Yellow Tavern, May 7–12, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997.
  • Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 26–June 3, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2002. 

[6] Battle of the Wilderness, Wikipedia, page was last edited on 21 January 2021, page access 30 Jan 2021; Spotsylvania Court House, Wikipedia, page updated 8 Feb 2021, page accessed 10 Feb 2021

[7] Wittenberg, Eric J. Little Phil: A Reassessment of the Civil War Leadership of Gen. Philip H. Sheridan. Washington, DC: Potomac Books, 2002, Page 24-27

Philip Sheridan, Wikipedia, page updated 2 Feb 2021, page accessed 10 Feb 2021

[8] James Riley Bowen, Regimental History of the First New York Dragoons, Page 145

[9] Ibid, Page 153

[10] Battle of Yellow Tavern, Wikipedia, page updated 31 Jan 2021, page accessed 3 Feb 2021; Battle of Meadow Bridge, Wikipedia, page updated 20 Mar 2020,  page accessed 20 Jan 2021

[11] James Riley Bowen, Regimental History of the First New York Dragoons, Page 156

[12] Ibid, Page 161

[13] Ibid, Page 167

[14] Kentucky Equine Research Staff, Synchronous Diaphragmatic Flutter , Equinews Nutrition and Health Daily, Kentucky Equine research, 1 Dec 2005; Muscle Cramping in Horses, Merck Manual Veterinary Manual; Equine ‘Thumps’ Are More than Mere Hiccups, University of Illinois College of Agriculture, The Horse 5 Aug 2008; T Douglas Byars, Bruce C McGorum, Disorders of the Thoracic Wall, Pleura, Mediastinum, and Diaphragm, in Equine Respiratory Medicine and Surgery, Elsevier 2007 ; Martha M. Misheff, Lameness in Endurance Horses, in Diagnosis and Management of Lameness in the Horse (Second Edition), Elsevier, 2011; All about Thumps, Federation Equestre International, Online article, Accessed January 29, 2021; Reichard, Katie and Amelia Grabowski, Every Man his own Horse Doctor, National Museum of Civil War Medicine, August 30, 2017

[15] Lackey, Rodney C., Notes on Civil War Logistics: Facts and Stories, United States Army Transportation Corps and Transportation School, Fort Lee, Virginia no date, Accessed December 15, 2020.; Hess, Earl J., Civil War Logistics, A Study of Military Transportation, Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University, 2017, page 256; Browning, Judkin and Timothy Silver, An Environmental History of the Civil War, Chapel Hill: University of North carolina Press, 2020, Page 109

Captain. N. J. Sapington in How to Feed an Army: Published By Authority of the Secretary of War for use in the Army of the United States, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1901, Page 60.

Carpenter, Lieutenant Colonel C. C. (1901) in How To Feed An Army. United States War Department, Washington DC. Government Printing Office, p. 79.

[16] Lackey, Rodney C., Notes on Civil War Logistics: Facts and Stories, United States Army Transportation Corps and Transportation School, Fort Lee, Virginia no date, Accessed December 15, 2020.; Rusling, Captain J. F. (1865). A Word for the Quartermaster‟s, appearing in the United States Service Magazine, Volume III. NY: Charles R. Richardson. Page 256

[17] Hess, Earl J., Civil War Logistics, A Study of Military Transportation, Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University, 2017, page 256

[18] Browning, Judkin and Timothy Silver, An Environmental History of the Civil War, Chapel Hill: University of North carolina Press, 2020, Page 109

 In addition to the demands of feeding horses and mules, as living beings, they suffered from threats of organisms and the environment and war conditions. Veterinary care was virtually nonexistent during the war. During four years of war, the Federal government spent 100 million on the acquisition of mules and horses for the armies but less than .01 percent of that total on medical personnel to treat the animals. (Browning and Silver, An Environmental History, Page 113.)

The effects of crowding and unsanitary conditions had a major impact on the well being of the equine work force in the war. Greased heel, a skin inflammation on the lower legs of a horse; glanders, an incurable respiratory infection; and farcy, a disorder of the lymph glands were widespread and deadly. 

See: Green, Ann Norton, Horses at Work: Harnessing Power in Industrial America, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008, Page 135 ; Gerleman, David , Unchronicled heroes: A study of Union cavalry horses in the Eastern Theater. Care, treatment, and use, 1861-1865, Phd Dissertation, Southern Illinois University, 1999, Pages 155-56; Browning, Judkin and Timothy Silver, An Environmental History of the Civil War, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020, Page 109.

[19] Browning, Judkin and Timothy Silver, An Environmental History of the Civil War, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020, Page 110; Special Orders Number 44, Headquarters Armies of the United States, dated June 29, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volume 40, Part 1, pp. 37-42 Paragraph 16.

[20] James Riley Bowen, Regimental History of the First New York Dragoons, Page 168-182

[21] Battle of Haw’s Shop, Wikipedia, page updated 5 Feb 2021; accessed 10 Feb 2021; Rhea, Gordon C. Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 26 – June 3, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2002, Page 71; Grimsley, Mark. And Keep Moving On: The Virginia Campaign, May–June 1864. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002; Jaynes, Gregory, and the Editors of Time-Life Books. The Killing Ground: Wilderness to Cold Harbor. Alexandria, VA: Time-Life Books, 1986, Page 159

[22] James Riley Bowen, Regimental History of the First New York Dragoons, Page 174

[23] Ibid, Page 177.

[24] Ibid, Page 183.

[25] Ibid, Page 199

[26] Ibid, Page 200

[27] Ibid, Page 203-204

[28] Ibid. Page 208

[29] General Order No. 9, February 16th, 1864, RG 94, Regimental Order Book,153rd New York Infantry, National Archives

[30] Special Order 12, February 19, 1864, RG 94, Regimental Order Book,153rd New York Infantry, National Archives

[31] Pellet, Elias Porter, History of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, Norwich: Telegraph & Chronicle Power press, 1866, Page 178; also accessible on Google Books

[32] September 3, 1883 affidavit from First Lieutenant John Brownell, Company A, 153rd NY Volunteers, Pension File No. 488.414

John Brownell Affidavit 1883

Page two of the affidavit from John Brownell which describes an incident where William Griffis succumbed to heatstroke during the march to Shreveport during the Red River Campaign

Click on image for larger view.

In an earlier pension request, Claim 280.194, it is indicated that “on about April 1 1864 while on Red River Expedition he incurred a sunstroke was put in an ambulance was treated by regimental surgeon has been troubled with difficulties ever since.”

Click here for large view of document.

[33] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteer: Where it Went, What it Saw, and What it Did, Norwitch, NY: J.F. Hubbard, Jr., 1866, Page 293-294

[34] The 114th Infantry Regiment, New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center, NYS Division of Military and Naval Affairs, page last modified 31 Jul 2018, page accessed 6 Jan 2021.

[35] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteer: Where it Went, What it Saw, and What it Did, Norwitch, NY: J.F. Hubbard, Jr., 1866, Page 294

[36] Pellet, Elias Porter, History of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, Norwich: Telegraph & Chronicle Power press, 1866, Page 188

[37] Ibid, Page 188-189

[38] Browning, Judkin and Timothy Silver, An Environmental History of the Civil War, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020, Pages 12-13

[39] Lackey, Rodney C., Notes on Civil War Logistics: Facts and Stories, United States Army Transportation Corps and Transportation School, Fort Lee, Virginiano date, Accessed December 15, 2020; Browning, Judkin and Timothy Silver, An Environmental History of the Civil War, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020, Pages 13

[40] Sherwoon, Lauralee, Human Physiology: From Cells to Systems, Belmont: Broos/Cole, Cengage Learning, 2013, Page 651

[41] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteer: Where it Went, What it Saw, and What it Did, Norwitch, NY: J.F. Hubbard, Jr., 1866, Page 409

[42] Pellet, Elias Porter, History of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, Norwich: Telegraph & Chronicle Power press, 1866, Page 181-182

[43] Ibid, Page 188.

[44] O’Sullivan, Timothy H, photographer. Rappahannock Station, Va. Pontoon wagon, 50th New York Engineers. United States Virginia Rappahannock Station, 1864. March. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2018666375/.

[45] Pellet, Elias Porter, History of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, Norwich: Telegraph & Chronicle Power Press, 1866, Pages 189-190

[46] Clark, Orton, S., The 116th Regiment of New York State Volunteers, Buffalo: Mathew & Warren, 1868, Page 152 Also accessible on Google Books

[47] Ibid, Pages 154-155.

[48] War of the Rebellion: A compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, prepared by Lieut. Col. Robert N. Scott, Series I, Volume 34, Part 1, Washington: Government Printing Offie, 1891, Page 227

[49] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteer: Where it Went, What it Saw, and What it Did, Norwitch, NY: J.F. Hubbard, Jr., 1866, Page 312

[50] War of the Rebellion: A compilation of the Official Records of he Union and Confederate Armies, prepared by Lieut. Col. Robert N. Scott, Series I, Volume 34, Part 1, Washington: Government Printing Offie, 1891, Pages are reflected on each map page.

[51] Pellet, Elias Porter, History of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, Norwich: Telegraph & Chronicle Power Press, 1866, Page 213

[52] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteer: Where it Went, What it Saw, and What it Did, Norwitch, NY: J.F. Hubbard, Jr., 1866, Page 324

[53] Clark, Orton, S., The 116th Regiment of New York State Volunteers, Buffalo: Mathew & Warren, 1868, Page 163

[54] Ibid, Page 167

[55] War of the Rebellion: A compilation of the Official Records of he Union and Confederate Armies, prepared by Lieut. Col. Robert N. Scott, Series I, Volume 34, Part 1, Washington: Government Printing Offie, 1891, Page 233

[56] Clark, Orton, S., The 116th Regiment of New York State Volunteers, Buffalo: Mathew & Warren, 1868, Pages 169-173

[56] Bailey, Col. Joseph (1826-1867), Wisconsin Civil War Officer, Lumberman, Wisconsin Historical Society, Page accessed Feb 23, 2021

[57] Building the Red River Dam. United States Red River Lousiana Texas, None. [Photographed between 1861 and 1865, printed between 1880 and 1889] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2013647498/ , Library of Congress, Civil War Glass Negatives and Related Prints

[58] Soodalter, Ron, Engineer’s Solution to Disaster: Dam the Red River, Full Speed Ahead, History.Net, September 2019; Bailey’s Dam, Wikipedia, Page was last edited on 23 Oct 2020, Page accessed 22 Feb 2021; Bailey’s Dam, American Battlefield Trust, Page accessed 23 Feb 2021

[59] Clark, Orton, S., The 116th Regiment of New York State Volunteers, Buffalo: Mathew & Warren, 1868, Pages 174-177

[60] War of the Rebellion: A compilation of the Official Records of he Union and Confederate Armies, prepared by Lieut. Col. Robert N. Scott, Series I, Volume 34, Part 1, Washington: Government Printing Offie, 1891, 234-235

[61] Pellet, Elias Porter, History of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, Norwich: Telegraph & Chronicle Power Press, 1866, Page 437

[62] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteer: Where it Went, What it Saw, and What it Did, Norwitch, NY: J.F. Hubbard, Jr., 1866, Page 359

[63] Ibid, 367

[64] Ibid, Pages 370-371

[65] Ibid, Page 374

[66] Judge, Joseph (1994). Season of Fire: The Confederate Strike on Washington. Berryville, Virginia: Rockbridge Publishing Company,1994, Page 216

[67] Ibid, Page 219

[68] Cramer, John Henry (1948). Under Enemy Fire: The Complete Account of His Experiences During Early’s Attack on Washington. Pages 91-93

[69] Fort Stevens – July 11-12, 1864, American Battlefield Trust, March 2020, Page accessed Feb 14, 2021

[70] See Lionheart Film works https://www.lionheart-filmworks.com; Also their You Tube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/hashtag/lionheartfilmworks

[71] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteer: Where it Went, What it Saw, and What it Did, Norwitch, NY: J.F. Hubbard, Jr., 1866, Page 381

[72] Ibid, Pages 381-382

[73] Ibid, Page 385

[74] Ibid, Page 387

[75] Ibid, Page 388

[76] Ibid, Page 390

[77] Ibid, Page 396

[78] Ibid, Page 398

[79] Civil War map of Virginia and West Virginia from the U.S. Coast Survey, Compiled by W[alter] L. Nicholson / Lith. by Cha[rle]s G. Krebs, Map of the State of Virginia, the Coast Survey Office. Washington: United States Coast Survey, October 1864

“An exceptionally detailed map of Virginia and West Virginia, prepared by the Coast Survey for the Union Army in October 1864. … This was the finest available map of the region, and copies would likely have been rushed to officers both at headquarters and in the field.”

[80] XIX Corps Civil War Facts, The American Civil War, Last Modified: 28 Feb 2021, Page accessed 1 Mar 2021 1

[81] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, Page 400

[82] Ibid, Page 401

[83] Ibid, Page 401-402

[84] Ibid, Page 402

[85] No 5 Reports of Lieut. Col. John S. Mosby, Forty-Third Virginia Calvary Battalion, HDQTRS 43rd Virginia Partisan Ranger Battalion to General Robert E. Lee,  September 11, 1864, documented in Davis, George, Leslie Perry, Joseph Kirkley, Board of Publication, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Published under the direction of Daniel Lamont, Secretary of War , Series I, Volume XLIII in Two Parts, Part I – Reports, Correspondence, Etc. , Washington: Government Printing Office, 1983, Page 633

[86] Ibid, Page 633

[87] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, Page 406

[88] Ibid, Page 416

[89] Patchan, Scott C. The Last Battle of Winchester: Phil Sheridan, Jubal Early, and the Shenandoah Valley Campaign, August 7–September 19, 1864, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2013 ; Wert, Jeffry D. From Winchester to Cedar Creek: The Shenandoah Campaign of 1864. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987;

[90] Opequon Union order of battle, Wikipedia, Pages accessed was last edited on 9 Feb 2021;

The Dragoons were part of the Calvary Corps commanded by Brigadier General Alfred Torbert, First Division commanded by Brigadier General Wesley Merrit, 2nd Brigade commanded by Brigadier General Thomas Devin, the regiment was commanded by Colonel Alfred Gibbs.

The 153rd NY Infantry was part of the 19th Corp commanded by Brigadier General William Emory, First Division commanded by Brigadier Genera lWilliam Dwight, 1st Brigade commanded by Colonel George Beal and the regiment was commanded by Colonel Edwin Davis

[91] Irwin, Richard, History of the 19th Army Corps of the Union Army During the American Civil War, Leonaur imprint of Oakpast, Ltd, 2009, originating published 1892, Page 301;

[92 ] Beecher, Dr. Harris H., Record of the 114th Regiment, Page 420

[93] Noyales, Jonathan A., Battle of Fisher’s Hill, American Battlefield Trust, Page accessed 15 Feb 2021

[94] Stanley, Steven, Map of Battle of Fisher’s Hill, American Battlefield Trust, Page accessed 15 2021

[95] Noyales, Jonathan A., Battle of Fisher’s Hill, American Battlefield Trust, Page accessed 15 Feb 2021

[96] Mahr, Theodore C. The Battle of Cedar Creek: Showdown in the Shenandoah, October 1–30, 1864. Lynchburg, VA: H. E. Howard Inc., 1992.; Battle of Cedar Creek, Wikipedia, Accessed page was last edited on 6 February 2021.

[97] Grand Review of the Armies, Wikipedia, Accessed page waslast edited on 31 December 2020; D. Reid Ross, Civil War Grand Review, America’s Civil War, Vol. 28, No. 2 (May 2015); The “grand review” of the Union army held in Washington D.C., 1865, Library of Congress

[98] Claim of Amanda Griffis, Widows Pension, No. 885.963, U.S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Pensions, Washington D.C.