Griffis family – Page 2 – Griffis Family

July 11, 2023February 25, 2024

A German Influence

The families of both Harold Griffis and Evelyn Dutcher have a German influence. It is an influence that reflects a distinctive characteristic of the families of the Mohawk valley in New York state. German immigrants and their descendants made an indelible imprint on the Mohawk valley in New York since Colonial times.

“The Rhine and the Hudson ! The historic river of Europe and the historic river of America! How closely associated are they in the minds of those who dwell in the lovely valley in which we are met today !” [1]

The first European influence arrived in the early 1600’s with the arrival of the Dutch who promptly named all of the area to the north “New Netherlands”. They soon spread their influence up the Hudson River and west along the Mohawk River until 1664 when the British took over the Dutch lands and renamed them New York after the Duke of York.

In the early 1700’s, the Germans started to arrive and actually became the first permanent European settlers of today’s Mohawk valley. They and their Dutch neighbors tilled the rich soil of the region. This was literally a frontier area in flux between the Mohawk and European settlers.

Many of the initial settlements in the early 1700’s were created by German immigrants. While the Dutch, French and English occupied various colonial settlements on the fringe boundaries of the young colonies at various time periods, it was the German immigrants who created unique relationships with the Iroquois, particularly the Mohawk tribe, in establishing permanent settlements in the western territory of the New York colony. It was also the German immigrants who incurred substantial losses of property and life prior to and during the Revolutionary War while they lived in these settlements in the fringes of colonial controlled territory. [2]

In the late 1600s and early 1700s, the Germans took a different approach to dealing with the New York Indians than had the Dutch and English before them.

“The Dutch brought from Holland a traders sense of the world and viewed Indian villages as nodes on the paths of commerce. Because the Dutch wanted to control trade, not land, they did not need to occupy Indian villages. … The English, on the other hand, carried to America visions of extending the king’s dominion. They viewed New York as a battleground, a place to fight the French for domination of North America. The English could not possess New York without controlling the land.

“Just as the Dutch and English attitudes had been shaped by their European roots, the Germans’ attitude toward the Mohawks and the chaotic conditions of the Schoharie Valley may have been shaped by their experiences in the German southwest. Perhaps the Germans, coming from an area subject to continual invasion and to ever-changing rulers, had replaced a worldview consisting of conqueror and conquered with one of constantly changing allies and enemies, in which power was never absolute and always short-lived. Since conquest was an illusion, one sought allies who might help secure short-term gains. The Indians could be enemies or allies; the Germans needed the latter.” [3]

Harold and Evelyn’s German Family Ties

The relationships among European settlers and the Indians in the early colonial and post Revolutionary War period in the upper New York area is reflected in the ethnic background of the family ties found in the respective family trees of Harold Griffis and Evelyn Dutcher.

Some of the earliest emigrants to America came from the state of Württemberg, Germany. It is the area of Germany from which the number of emigrants surpassed any other German state. It is also the area where Harold and Evelyn’s German ancestors started their journey to America. [4]

Family Tree Branches with a Germanic Influence

Click here to see the family trees for Griffis family branches that are from German areas of Europe. Each family tree provides a context of their place in the general family tree for Harold Griffis and Evelyn Dutcher Griffis. Only grandparents and direct siblings are shown in the family trees.

On Harold’s side of the family, the Sperber family and the Fliegel Family were immediate branches of the family that emigrated in the mid 1800’s from the Baden Würtemberg area [5] to the United States. While we do not know much about the Sperber family prior to their arrival in America, the Fliegel family can be traced back many generations to the Ittlingen, Germany area. Both families are maternal family branches of the Griffis family. Harold Griffis’ mother was Ida May Sperber. Ida Sperber was youngest child of John Wolfgang Sperber and Sophia Fliegels’ children. The immediate paternal side of Harold’s family reflect a Welsh (Griffis surname), English (Carpenter), and Scots-Irish background (Gillespie).

The German Side of the Griffis Family [6]

Similar to Harold’s family, Evelyn Dutcher’s family tree reflects the interaction of various ethnic backgrounds representing the mix of early European settlers in the New York colony. Her family represents Dutch, French, German and English ancestry.

In fact, there is family lore that one of Evelyn’s female ancestors was from the Mohawk tribe. My father often mentioned the existence of this relative but had no specific documented knowledge about this relative. Based on conversations between Nancy Griffis and one of Evelyn’s cousins, Gertrude Platts Perry, it was indicated that Gertrude had old photographs that depicted the female family member that was from the Mohawk tribe. [7] If her recollections were true, then the individual possibly married a Platts family member. A review of available documentation on the Platts family offers no clue of an individual who had Mohawk descent. But, if there was a Mohawk member of the family, her name probably would have been an anglicized name in any documented records.

Evelyn’s surname, Dutcher, can be traced back to Dutch colonists in the 1600’s. The name is found with many spellings in the 1600’s: Duyster, Duyscher, Duchier, De Duyster. The family was likely one of the persecuted French Huguenots who fled from France to Holland. The names De Dutchier and De Duyster are found throughout sixteenth century French records. [8]

The Hartom family was a branch of Evelyn Dutcher’s family that emigrated from Germany earlier in 1775 to the American colonies. Evelyn’s father was Squire Dutcher. Squire’s father, Ruleff Dutcher, married Maria Hartom. Casper Hartom was Maria’s father. Casper’s father, Michael Hartom, is the family member that emigrated to the colonies in 1775. It is not known what part of the Germanic area of Europe his family is from.

The German Side of the Dutcher Family

There are two other family branches of Evelyn Dutcher’s family that may be German. However, I do not have definitive proof of their Germanic origin in terms of ship manifest lists of family members that originally came to the American colonies to confirm their point of origin. In addition, the origin of the surnames for these two family branches are not unique to one specific country or European region.

One of the family branches is the Demelt family. There is a good chance that the Demelt family is from Germanic origins. The family name, Demelt, was first found in Bavaria, where this surname surfaced in mediaeval times. [9]

The second family branch is the Platts family. Evelyn’s maternal side of the family included the Platts. It was originally presumed the Platts are of English origin. However, given where they settled and the name may have been an anglicized version of the German “Platz”, it is possible they were German. [10] There is no documentation to determine the ethnic origin of the Platts side of the family.

German Emigration to the Colonies & the United States

The reasons for emigrating to the new world for each of these families or individuals is perhaps unique but their respective decisions to leave their homeland were influenced by a larger economic and political landscape which provided a number of push and pull factors that influenced their decision. In addition, where they landed in the new world and where they subsequently traveled to put a stake in their new homeland were influenced by the paths of previous German immigrants.

At each successive wave, newcomers joined established settlers. This phenomenon of “chain migration” strengthened the already existing German regions in the American colonies and, later, the United States. Large sections of Pennsylvania, upstate New York, and the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia attracted multiple generations and successive waves of German emigration. [11]

Michael Hartom emigrated to the American Colonies in 1775. He was not part of the first wave of Germans to immigrate to the colonies but he closely followed the migratory path of the Palantines that represented the first major wave of Germanic immigration.

John Sperber and the Fliegel family emigrated in the mid 1850’s to a young new nation. Both were part of a major second wave of German immigration.

Germany in the 1600’s through the 1800’s

There was no unified “Germany” in the time period when the Hartom, Sperber, and Fliegel families emigrated to the Colonies and later to the United States. The European region that is currently Germany was divided into principalities and remnants of the Holy Roman Empire. Between the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) and the French Revolution (1789-1799), German geography was largely reflected by the histories of dozens of small political units, each enjoying virtually full rights of sovereignty. Political power increasingly fell to small regional governments controlled by aristocratic overlords, ecclesiastical dignitaries, or municipal oligarchs. [12]

Among the most powerful of these principalities was Prussia, led beginning in 1740 by King Frederick II, known as “Frederick the Great.” Under Frederick, Prussia expanded its territory to include parts of modern-day Austria and Poland. It would be almost a century before Germany was unified into the country we know today. Germany, or more exactly the old Holy Roman Empire, in the 18th century entered a period of decline that would finally lead to the dissolution of the Empire during the Napoleonic Wars. [13]

The following map reflects the political contours of the German states around the time that Michael Harton immigrated to the American Colonies in 1775.

Map of German States 1789 [14]

About 75 years later when the Sperber and Fliegel families emigrated to the United States, the German States had a similar yet different configuration. The Sperber and Fliegel families were from the Baden area of the map, an area located in the southwestern area of the empire next to the Kingdom of France along the Rhine River..

Map of German States 1815 – 1865 [15]

The immigrants from these geographic areas were referred to as German. However, ‘within’ the Germanic umbrella of ethnic identity as viewed by the English, Dutch, French, or Indians, they were Palatines, Badeners and Hessians. The Germans included many quite distinct subgroups with differing religious and cultural values. The making of a German and American identity was one of immigrants not just defining themselves in contrast to a British, French, Dutch, or Iroquois “other” group but also first defining themselves in contrast to many German “others”. [16]

Various Waves of German Immigration

German immigration to North America began in the 17th century and continued into the late 19th century at a rate exceeding that of any other country.

The Germans migrated to America for a variety of reasons depending on the specific historical time period. Push factors involved the effects of the continuous wars and conflicts, worsening opportunities for farm ownership in central Europe, persecution of some religious groups, and military conscription. Pull factors were better economic conditions, the opportunity to own land or earn a better wage, and religious freedom.

Germany also experienced unfavorable weather conditions in the 1800’s that brought about food crises. Lack of food brought about elevation of prices. With a continually increasing population, some areas experienced devastation. When sons were not able to inherit the ancestral farm to support themselves and their families, emigration was one way out.

German emigration to the American colonies began at the end of the 17th century when Germany was suffering from the after-effects of the bloody religious conflicts of the Thirty Years’ War and Christian minorities were being persecuted. Many farmers lived in poverty, their very existence threatened by failed harvests and land shortages.

German immigrants in the initial wave came from the states of Pfalz, Baden, Wuerttemberg, Hesse, and the bishoprics of Cologne, Osnabruck, Muenster, and Mainz. Working with William Penn, Franz Daniel Pastorius established “Germantown” near Philadelphia in 1683. A group of Mennonites, Pietists, and Quakers in Frankfurt, including Abraham op den Graeff , a cousin of William Penn, approached Pastorius about acting as their agent to purchase land in Pennsylvania for a settlement. Pastorius arrived in Philadelphia on August 20th, 1683. In Philadelphia, he negotiated the purchase of 15,000 acres from William Penn, the proprietor of the colony, and laid out the settlement of Germantown. [17]

European Migration to Britain in the 1700s

The initial wave of Germans to the colonies is often referenced as ‘the story of the Palantines” [18]. The Germans that eventually settled the Mohawk Valley came from the Rhine Valley River region known as the “Palatinate.” The name arose from the Roman word “Palatine,” the title given to the ruling family of the area when it was part of the Holy Roman Empire. With the outbreak of the Thirty Years War in 1618, came 96 years of sporadic fighting and wars that would leave the Palatinate destroyed. This forced thousands of Germans to flee their homeland, many who made the American colonies (before the revolution) and the United States (after the revolution) their new home.

The movement of the initial wave of German immigrants, the so-called Palantines, was the result of the British government sending roughly 3,000 German immigrants in the early 1700’s to the colonies after they initially immigrated to England on rumors that Britain would provide passage to the American Colonies. In a quandry as to what to do with these German immigrants, the immigrants were sent by the English to the colonies on the proviso that they would be indentured laborers for the production of ‘naval stores’ (the production of tar and pitch in the pine forests of the Hudson valley). Once they got to the colonies, they refused to such an agreement and the English did not enforce their original contract. As a result the German immigrants settled on the Hudson River, some moved to New York City and New Jersey and others settled to scarcely settled areas of the New York frontier. [19] Many of these ‘scarcely settled’ areas would be areas that Griffis family branches would settle in the Mohawk valley.

Early German Settlements in the New York Colony

Source: Sanford H. Cobb, The Story of the Palatines: An Episode in Colonial History, New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1897, The Palatine Settlements of the Hudson, Mohawk, and Schoharie, Page 148 https://ia800906.us.archive.org/3/items/storyofpalatines01cobb/storyofpalatines01cobb.pdf

By the middle of the 18th century, German immigrants occupied a central place in American life. Germans accounted for one-third of the population of the American colonies, and were second in number only to the English. [20] Wars in Europe and America had slowed the arrival of immigrants for several decades starting in the 1770’s. By the year 1800, 100,000 Germans had migrated to the United States, and over eight percent of the American population was of German descent. The trend started to reverse and German immigration increased tenfold by 1830. [21]

“From that year until World War I, almost 90 percent of all German emigrants chose the United States as their destination. Once established in their new home, these settlers wrote to family and friends in Europe describing the opportunities available in the U.S. These letters were circulated in German newspapers and books, prompting “chain migrations.” By 1832, more than 10,000 immigrants arrived in the U.S. from Germany. By 1854, that number had jumped to nearly 200,000 immigrants.” [22]

For the typical working people in Germany, who were forced to endure land seizures, unemployment, increased competition from British goods, and the repercussions of the failed German Revolution of 1848, the economic and political prospects in the United States seemed bright. It also soon became easier to leave Germany, as restrictions on emigration were eased.

Nearly one million German immigrants entered the United States in the 1850s; this included thousands of refugees from the 1848 revolutions in Europe. As reflected in the table below, there were to major peaks in German immigration between 1820 and 1920. The 1850’s and the 1880’s witnessed the latest influx of immigrants from Germanic areas in Europe.

It was during the first of the two major waves in the 1800’s that John Sperber and the Fliegel family migrated to the United States. Nearly one million German immigrants entered the United States in the 1850’s. The German immigrants arriving in the 1850’s represented almost 18 percent of the total number of German immigrants arriving to the United States between this one hundred year period. In the 1850’s German immigrants represented a little over a third of all immigrants coming to the United States. [23]

Table One: German Immigration to the United States (1820-1920) [24]

Immigration Period	Number of Immigrants	% of Total German Migration	% of U.S. Total Migration By decade
1820-1830	5,753	0.1%	4.5%
1831-1840	124,726	2.3	23.2
1841-1850	353,434	7.0	27.0
1851-1860	976,072	17.8	34.7
1861-1870	72,734	13.2	34.8
1871-1880	751,769	13.6	27.4
1881-1890	1,445,181	26.4	27.5
1891-1900	579,072	10.5	15.7
1901-1910	328,722	5.9	4.0
1911-1920	174,227	3.2	2.8
Total	5,494,690	100.00

Note: From 1899 to 1919, data from part of Poland included in Germany

The graph below depicts the two major waves of German immigrants within this one hundred year period.

The area that John Sperber and the Fliegel family left the German territories were particularly affected by the mass exodus to the United States.

Censuses have been taken in Germany at regular intervals since 1816. In most of the German states, including Prussia, they were taken every three years. Within the territory of pre-war Germany between 1840 and – 1910, the German population doubled in size. The increase however was due mainly to higher fertility rates and was not attributable to people moving into the German territory. In fact, there was an appreciable exodus of German’s moving out of the area which mitigated population growth in Germany. Germany lost about 5 million due to people moving out of the German territories. [25]

“The net loss through emigration was especially large between 1847 and 1855, when crop failure and famine impaired living conditions among a population still mainly agricultural. Political discontent and ferment also quickened the migratory impulse. in the three years, 1853-55, almost half a million people…left Germany annually. These losses through migration had the more harmful effect on the growth of population, since the mortality also increased, so that periods with the greatest losses through migration were also periods with the smallest excess of births.

“Between 1853-55, almost three quarters of the natural population increase was lost through migration. … In some parts of German (Württemberg, Baden and the Palatinate) noted for their large emigration it became so heavy that the population decreased. In 1849-52, Wüttenberg suffered an annual loss of 11,000 people (2.2 per 1000) and in 1852-55, suffered an annual loss of 64,000 persons or 12.2 per 1000.

“In Baden, (an area where the Sperber and Fliegel families lived – my note) despite a large excess of births between 1847 and 1855, emigration caused a continuous decline in population. … . “ [26]

Getting to America: the German Experience in the 1700’s

In the 1700’s, the emigrants from the Baden Wüteenberg area usually gathered in a town close to the River Rhine and then took passage on the Rhine north to The Netherlands. From there they sailed to a colonial port. It took several weeks to reach an Atlantic seaport, and another eight to 10 weeks of demanding ocean travel before they reached the shores of North America. [27] This migration path resembles the path of Michael Hartom, Evelyn’s great great grandfather.

The handwritten note below appears to be a torn page from a small calendar notebook. Evelyn was interested in the genealogy of the Dutcher family and this was found in her notes. The note depicts an immigration path of the ‘second wave of Palatines‘ to the colonies.

“Michael Hartom Squire Dutcher’s great grandfather set sail from Hamburg, Germany in 1775. Six months journey in a sail vessel. Settled in New York and then in Stone Arabia.”.

I have researched a wide range of ship passenger lists from Europe between 1770 and 1800 but have yet to find Michael Hartom’s name on a ship manifest list. Discovering a passenger list with a name of a relative is often the result of chance and luck. Many ship manifests were not saved or documented. In addition, there is the inherent issue of what was written on paper.

Generally speaking the captains’ lists have the least value, as far as the spelling of the names is concerned. They were in most cases written by men who had no knowledge of German and to whom German surnames were a mystery they could not fathom. They wrote down the names as they were pronounced to them, spelling them as they would spell English names. As a result there are hundreds of names that have such fantastic forms that they are unrecognizable. [28]

The note written by Evelyn Dutcher Griffis indicates that it took Michael Hartom six months to reach America. This statement perhaps was overstated in terms of the actual length of the voyage. His entire journey from ‘home’ to New York City may have been six months.

In the days of sailing ships, crossing the Atlantic Ocean was certainly slow compared with modern times and frequently a dangerous experience. The overcrowded boats were at the mercy of the ocean and the weather, dependent upon the wind belts for propulsion. On a calm sea with little wind, the sails would hang useless and a trip across the ocean could take on average from one to three months. Disease was rampant in these crowded circumstances, with the ill and the healthy immigrant packed tightly together. Fatalities from disease and ships lost at sea were estimated to range from 10% to 15%. [29]

Prior to 1848, not only would immigrants have to load their own belongings, but families would be required to bring along food for the voyage. There was no one to advise the immigrants as to whether or not these rations would be adequate for the trip..

Poor immigrants often travelled to America on ships that were making their return voyage after having carried tobacco or cotton to Europe. The voyage took up to 90 days, oftentimes much longer, depending on the wind and weather. In steerage, ships were crowded, each passenger having about two square feet of space. The conditions were not sanitary, lice and rats were prevalent. Passengers were required to bring their food or were forced to procure food from the ship’s captain. The ventilation was poor. Between 10-20% of those who left Europe died on board. [30]

After the long and gruelling ocean voyage, most immigrants to the United States in the late 18th and early part of the 19th century made their way to rural areas to farm. Most immigrants in the mid-19th century remained in the ports where they had arrived except for those with the financial means for further travel.

Gottlieb Mittelberger, an organ master and schoolmaster, who left one of the small German states in May 1750 , documented his experiences of sailing from the German territory to the colonies. Mittelberger had lost his job in the Duchy of Wurttemberg in the Holy Roman Empire. He sailed to Philadelphia and lived in colonial America for four years. Upon his return home he wrote a book, with the purpose to warn Germans of the hardships of emigration. [31]

Mittelberger indicates that the passage to America was long and treacherous. Due to delays in travel along the Rhine River and European ports, many of the immigrants would run out of funds and by the time they arrived in the American colonies, they were too poor to pay for the journey and therefore indentured themselves to wealthier colonialists, selling their services for a period of years in return for the price of the passage.

I have provided a number passages from his personal account:

“This journey lasts from the beginning of May to the end of October, fully half a year, amid such hardships as no one is able to describe adequately with their misery. The cause is because the Rhine boats from Heilbronn to Holland have to pass by 36 custom-houses, at all of which the ships are examined, which is done when it suits the convenience of the custom-house officials. In the meantime the ships with the people are detained long, so that the passengers have to spend much money. The trip down the Rhine alone lasts therefore 4, 5 and even 6 weeks. When the ships with the people come to Holland, they are detained there likewise 5 or 6 weeks. Because things are very dear there, the poor people have to spend nearly all they have during that time.” [32]

“Both in Rotterdam and in Amsterdam the people are packed densely, like herrings so to say, in the large sea-vessels. One person receives a place of scarcely 2 feet width and 6 feet length in the bedstead. “ [33]

“But during the voyage there is on board these ships terrible misery, stench, fumes, horror, vomiting, many kinds of sea-sickness, fever, dysentery, headache, heat, constipation, boils, scurvy, cancer, mouth-rot, and the like, all of which come from old and sharply salted food and meat, also from very bad and foul water, so that many die miserably. Add to this want of provisions, hunger, thirst, frost, heat, dampness, anxiety, want, afflictions and lamentations, together with other trouble, as c. v. the lice abound so frightfully, especially on sick people, that they can be scraped off the body. The misery reaches the climax when a gale rages for 2 or 3 nights and days, so that every one believes that the ship will go to the bottom with all human beings on board. In such a visitation the people cry and pray most piteously.” [34]

“Children from 1 to 7 years rarely survive the voyage; and many a time parents are compelled to see their children miserably suffer and die from hunger, thirst and sickness, and then to see them cast into the water. I witnessed such misery in no less than 32 children in our ship, all of whom were thrown into the sea.” [35]

“When the ships have landed at Philadelphia after their long voyage, no one is permitted to leave them except those who pay for their passage or can give good security ; the others, who cannot pay, must remain on board the ships till they are purchased, and are released from the ships by their purchasers. The sick always fare the worst, for the healthy are naturally preferred and purchased first; and so the sick and wretched must often remain on board in front of the city for 2 or 3 weeks, and frequently die, whereas many a one, if he could pay his debt and were permitted to leave the ship immediately, might recover and remain alive.” [36]

“The sale of human beings in the market on board the ship is carried on thus: Every day Englishmen, Dutchmen and High-German people come from the city of Philadelphia and other places, in part from a great distance, say 20, 30, or 40 hours away, and go on board the newly arrived ship that has brought and offers for sale passengers from Europe.” [37]

“When a husband or wife has died at sea, when the ship has made more than half of her trip, the survivor must pay or serve not only for himself or herself, but also for the deceased. When both parents have died over half-way at sea, their children, especially when they are young and have nothing to pawn or to pay, must stand for their own and their parents’ passage, and serve till they are 21 years old.” [38]

Mittelberger perhaps provides a description of what Michael Hartom may have experienced sailing to the colonies in 1775. However, each personal experience may have unique experiences that are not common for similar voyages at the time and possibly do not represent the experiences of the majority of voyages.. While it does not diminish the general portrayal of hardships that were faced crossing the Atlantic, recent studies on German emigration during this time period suggest that mortality rates on voyages were a bit lower than what Mittelberger states.

For example, mortality rates for German immigrants traveling to American in two time periods, 1727 to 1754 and 1785 to 1805, were much lower. One study was based on a sample of fourteen German immigrant vessels which enumerated passenger deaths directly in the ship records, taken from the Strassburger collection of German ship lists for the port of Philadelphia. This sample had over 1,566 passengers and appeared to be relatively representative of the typical immigrant voyage: voluntary, white, civilian immigrants transported by the private shipping market on the North Atlantic route. Six of the ships had mortality enumerated for the separate categories of adult men, adult women, and children. The overall passage mortality for these 1,566 Germans was 3. 8 percent. The voyage mortality for the the 1,153 adult men was slightly above that for the 237 adult women, 3.5 versus 2.5 percent, respectively, although this difference was not statistically significant. The 382 children fared far worse with a passage mortality of over 9 percent or almost three times the adult rate. [39]

Mittelberger’s journey took over 100 days at sea, whereas the average crossing during this time period was onJy about two months. Michael Hartom’s voyage was purportedly six months, as documented by Evelyn Dutcher Griffis. However, we do not know if Evelyn’s “six month” statement includes his travel to the departing port. We also do not know when Michael Hartom started his journey.

Mittelberger’s ship carried 486 passengers. The average in the German trade was 300 between 1750 and 1754, and almost half that at other times. He also experienced a relatively longer, more crowded passage. [40]

By the 1830s to 1860s, North Atlantic passage mortality had fallen to between 2.4 and 1.0 percent, or as low as 10 per J,000 per month. Since these voyages lasted around one to one and a half months, the annualized crude death rate was as low as 80 to 120 per 1,000. Thus late eighteenth-century passage mortality was only about twice as high as early nineteenth-century passage mortality. [41]

Immigration in the 1800’s: Packet Ships from Havre

The German emigrants in the 1800’s, which included John Sperber and the Fliegel family, came to the United States via Le Havre, France, which was also reached via the Rhine River. Though people from all over Germany migrated to America, the Rhine represented the main highway out of Germany to the New World in the 1800s. They also took ships from other ports, notably Bremen, Germany and a smaller portion of travelers left via Hamburg. In the nineteenth century these ports were reachable by train.

“After the fall of Napoleon, Havre became the chief port of departure for continental Europe, and it retained its supremacy for more than a generation. The Swiss and South Germans arrived there overland or by sail from Cologne; and many came in coasting vessels from North Germany, and even from Norway for transshipment to America. In 1854 the German emigration by way of Havre exceeded that from Bremen by twenty thousand; while Bremen was ahead of Hamburg by twenty-five thousand, and Hamburg in turn led Antwerp by a like number. The completion of the German railway system and the great expansion of steam navigation in the Hanseatic cities eventually deprived Havre of her predominance in the business, but she remained an important port of departure as long as there was a large emigration from the region to which she was an accessible outlet.” [42]

“The development of steam transportation for immigrants, even after the invention of the screw propeller, was not so rapid as might have been expected. It was not till 1865 that more of them came by steam than by sail; and for more than a decade after that date sailing vessels still had a considerable share of the business.” [43]

Beginning in 1820, ship captains were required to file a list of all passengers aboard an arriving ship to the U.S. port authorities. The documentation provided a basis for official estimates of immigration for the nineteenth century. [44] While this increased the chances of being able to document German immigrants arriving in the United States, it is not a certainty that one will find ship manifest lists for all incoming passengers on ships that traveled to the United States in this time period.

Many immigrants sailed to America or back to their homelands in packet ships between 1817 – 1880. The term packet ship was used to describe a vessel that featured regularly scheduled service on a specific point-to-point line. Usually, the individual ship operated exclusively for a specific shipping line. Packet ships were sail vessels that carried mail, cargo, and people.

Most of the immigrants crossed the Atlantic in the steerage area of the packet ships. Conditions varied from ship to ship, but steerage was normally crowded, dark, and damp. [45] While. the trip for immigrants was much shorter than those experienced in the 1700’s, the Atlantic crossing was still fraught with dangers ranging from shipwreck, overcrowded quarters, meager food rations, theft, disease and death.

In the late 1840s, William Smith became one of many immigrants who chose to leave his native home and family to undertake the trip to the United States. His published personal narrative of his experiences aboard the ship India as a steerage passenger traveling from Liverpool, England, to New York City exemplifies the experience of many millions of other immigrants to the United States. The mid-nineteenth-century steerage deck was, at its best, cramped and uncomfortable; ceiling heights could lie as low as five and a half feet, and the overall dimensions of the space were often about seventy-five by twenty-five feet. Travelers shared these tight quarters for an average of forty days. [46]

Disease spread quickly in this crowded environment, Smith’s personal narrative alludes to the prevalence of sickness and death. However, various studies have shown that the mortality rate on ships in the md 1800’s was not as high as what personal narratives have portrayed. Many have thought that immigrant mortality was fairly high during these years, but one study has shown that the mortality rate was 1.4 percent of the passengers, or about 10 per thousand per month, died on a typical voyage. The percent who died was significantly higher for ships arriving in November through February than for the other months. Sailing conditions in the North Atlantic were substantially worse during these months. [47]

The packet ships, unlike the later and more glamorous clippers, or steamers were not designed for speed. They carried cargo and passengers, and for several decades packets were the most efficient way to cross the Atlantic.

“Packet ships, packet liners, or simply packets, were sailing ships of the early 1800s that did something which was novel at the time: they departed from port on a regular schedule.” [48]

The cutaway below reveals how travelers and cargo sailed together on a packet ship. Travelers with enough money purchased “cabin passage” and slept in private or semiprivate rooms. The vast majority of passengers, usually immigrants, bought bunks in steerage, also called the ’tween deck’ for its position between the cabins and the hold.

Cross Section of a Packet Ship [49]

Packet Ships were sturdy vessels designed to sail the rough north Atlantic at the cost of speed. They measured about 200 feet long with three masts and a blunt, broad and flat bow. They could travel about 200 miles per day if the conditions were right. Their trans-Atlantic voyages averaged 23 days to go east, and 40 days to go west. [50]

In the 1830s steamships were introduced, and by the end of the Civil War they were taking over as the mode of transportation, especially for the more affluent. The sailing packet lines ceased operation altogether in 1880.

“By 1847, there were many ads showing that regular service had been established. In 1850, there was a noticeable uptick in the number of advertisements announcing regularly scheduled sailings between Europe and the United Stales. At this point. there were also more ads claiming passage on “fast” sailing ships, presumably trying to compete with the new steamships. Over the 1850s, more and more ads were placed regarding passage on steamships. By 1855, advertisements for fares on sailing ships dropped off and the paper no longer printed a fare table.” [51]

Getting and navigating to European ports was a new challenge for most emigrants, many of whom had never ventured very far from their home village. Ads in German newspapers oftentimes gave information about where where to stay in ports, when the cost of staying in the ports was included in the passage price, and how to survive cheaply before setting sail.

“For an adult traveling in steerage ona sailing ship, the average fare was 33 to 35 (Prussian) Thalers, about 23 dollars. These fares explain why most of the Germans who emigrated were positively self selected, that is, they were not poor farm laborers or servants but were somewhat better off. Around 1850, even a master farm laborer in the Rhine area earned only about 60 Thalers per year in cash in addition lo various in-kind goods, worth probably at least another 20 Thaler.” [52]

The most common destination for German emigrants was New York City, and getting there was expensive for many Germans. Moving to the United States was not a cheap endeavor for Germans during the middle of the nineteenth century. The fares were generally higher fares from Le Havre, Antwerp, and Rotterdam than from Hamburg or Bremen. The reason is that the listings for the fares from these cities included the cost of getting from a city in the interior of Germany to the port city. For example a listing might be “Koeln – Havre – New York”.

Even for individuals with skills that commanded a good wage, such as 70 to 100 Thalers a year, paying for just one transatlantic fare would have cost between one-third and one-half of their yearly income. While individuals could afford to emigrate at these prices, it was near the limit of what was affordable. For those who could come close to raising the necessary funds. paying for the voyage was made more feasible if they had an inheritance or could liquidate all their goods and properly before leaving.

“Most German emigrants had incomes no lower than those earned by the lower middle class, creating an emigrant population from German states that was positively self selected in the 1840s and 1850.” [53]

The Sperber and Fliegel Families: Emigration in the 1850’s

John Sperber and the Fliegel family emigrated to the United States in different years in the 1850’s. John Sperber reportedly arrived around 1853 and the Fliegel family arrived in 1855.

The ‘pater familias’, John Wolfgang Sperber, was born in Baden, Germany around 1828. His bride, Sophia Fliegel, and her family also immigrated to the United States around the same time. Both families were from the Grand Duchy of Baden. It is the German State occupying the southwest corner of Germany. As you can see from the map below, Baden borders on the Alsace region of France, Switzerland, Austria, and the German states of Hessen and Bavaria.

1855 Colton Map of Bavaria, Wurtemberg and Baden, Germany

The Sperber and Fliegel families were originally from Baden and Ettlingen Ittlingen respectively. Both towns are in the Baden Würtemberg area. The Wageneck family is a maternal branch of the Fliegel family. The family can also be traced back a number of generations from the Baden Würtemberg area.

The Baden-Württemberg area comprises the historical territories of Baden, Prussian Hohenzollern, and Württemberg. Baden spans along the flat right bank of the river Rhine from north-west to the south (Lake Constance) of the present state. Württemberg and Hohenzollern lay more inland and are hillier, including areas such as the Swabian Jura mountain range. The Black Forest formed part of the border between Baden and Württemberg. While the area is now formally a German state, it is historically an area that represented a variety of German city states.

John Sperber was the second of the two family members to settle in Gloversville, New York. It is not entirely certain as to when John Sperber arrived in the United States. In a 1900 U.S. Federal Census, John Sperber reported, at the age of 72, that he arrived in the United States in 1853. Ship manifest records indicate a John Sperber arrived in 1852. [54]

Researching ship manifest lists of ships that arrived in the United States around 1853 revealed a few records that may point to our John or Johann Sperber. [55] The most likely record documents the arrival of a Johann Sperber arriving in the port of New York City on June 14, 1852. [56] Johann Sperber traveled on the packet ship named Germania and departed from Havre, France. Based on the ship manifest records, Johann Sperber was 26 years old, his estimated birth date was 1826, his occupation was listed as ‘cultivator‘ and his birth place was listed as ‘Bavaria‘. He stayed in the steerage area of the ship.

The Packet Ship Germania at pier, Le Havre, France [57]

Johann Sperber sailed on the Germania, a packet ship built in 1850 . It was in service by by the Havre Whitlock ship line between 1850 – 1863. Based on the ship’s records, it took an average of 38 days to sail from Havre to New York City. The Germania was one of fourteen ships owned and managed by the Havre Whitlock Line. [58] The ships sailed from New York to Le Havre every month on the 8th, 16th, and 24th, and sailed from Le Havre every month on the 1st, 8th, and 24th. [59]

As reflected in the map below, Johann arrived at pier 14 in New York City on June 14, 1852.

Port of New York 1851

Source: From Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository. Map of the Port of New York on the south tip of Manhattan Island in 1851. Heavy broken line marks the waterfront below City Hall park in 1784. Area filled in prior to 1820. The original source is unknown. The old illustration was found in Carl C. Cutler, Queens of the Western Ocean, Annapolis: U.S. Naval Institute, 1961 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Port_of_New_York_1851.jpg

It is not known how and how long it took for Johann Sperber to travel from New York City to the Johnstown – Gloversville area.

“Gloversville was originally settled by New England Puritans in the 1790’s. In the ensuing decades as the community grew, leather tanning became a prominent local industry due to the purity and abundance of water and the availability of hemlock bark as a source of tannin. As a result, the manufacture of gloves became widespread as a cottage industry. It was in 1828 that the settlement was officially given its current name upon the establishment of the first post office.” [60]

After the Civil War, the glove industry boomed in the Johnstown and Gloversville, New York area, causing large numbers of immigrants from many of Europe’s glove making centers to make their new homes there.

The Fliegel family was actually from Ittlignen which is not listed on the above 1855 map. From 1355, Ittlingen was a possession of the Lordship of Gemmingen. Their rule ended in 1806, when the Gemmingens’ properties were mediatized to the Grand Duchy of Baden. Ittlingen was assigned on 22 June 1807 to Oberamt Gochsheim, the only such district in Baden. On 24 July 1813, Ittlingen was assigned to the district of Eppingen.

As the crow flies, Baden and Eppingen are about 47 miles apart. It would take you 16 and a half hours to walk from one area to the other.

Distance Between Baden and Eppingen Germany

In 1855, Christopher (Christoph) Fliegel and his wife Maria Juliana Wageneck made a major life altering decision to emigrate with their three young adult children to the United States. This must have been a hard decision to make, perhaps due to push factors they experienced in Germany. Christopher was 60 years old and Juliana was in her late fifties.

Similar to Johann Sperper’s experience, the family traveled from their German Rhineland home to Havre, France and took one of the packet ships run by the Havre-Union Line. They, like Johann arrived at pier 14 in New York City.

The manifest list for the ship the Fliegel family traveled on is below. It lists the following information (lines 3 – 7): Christoph Fliegel (age 60), Juliani (59), Phillipp (33), Rosina (28) and Sophie (21) from Baden Germany. [61]. They were among 303 individuals who sailed on the ship ‘Zurich‘ and arrived in New York City on January 26, 1855. [62]

Ship Manifest List for Fliegel Family

The American Ship Zurich was built in New York by W.H. Webb in 1844. [63] It was a class A2 ship of 817 tons with 2 decks. It was made of white Oak and the hull was medalled in September 1854. During its lifetime (1844 – 1863) it sailed from the New York port and principally sailed to Havre, France and it averaged 35 days from Harvre to New York City. [64] It was one of twenty-five packet ships that were part of what was called the Havre Old Line. [65]

Once in New York City, the family traveled west and ultimately established their new home in Johnstown New York. In five years, the U.S. Federal Census captured a shapshot of the family. [66] Chistopher, age 72, is living with this son Philip’s family Philip’s occupation is listed as a “Skin Dresser” , a work activity associated with glove making. Evidently the census enumerator did not capture Juliana’s whereabouts. Christoph Fliegel lived long enough to see his family settled in the United States. He passed away at the reported age of 74 on October 15, 1872. His wife Juliana reportedly died on February 23, 1867.

1860 U.S. Census

Sources

Feature Photograph of this story: This is a portion of a map from Colton, G. W., Colton’s Atlas of the World Illustrating Physical and Political Geography, Vol 2, New York, 1855 (First Edition) Issued as page no. 14 in volume 2 of the first edition of George Washington Colton’s 1855 Atlas of the World. The map covers the 19th century German provinces of Bavaria, Wurttemberg, Baden and Pfalz, as well as numerous smaller regions. The map is divided and color coded according to regional divisions. Various cities, towns, forts, rivers and assortment of additional topographical details are identified.

Highlighted Areas on Map: You can see the proximity of Eppingen (the home of the Fliegel family) and Baden, the home of John Wolfgang Sperber). 1855 Colton Map of Bavaria, Wurtemberg and Baden, Germany – Geographicus Wikipedia, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:1855_Colton_Map_of_Bavaria,Wurtemberg_and_Baden,_Germany–Geographicus-_Germany3-colton-1855.jpg The Fliegel family was actually from Ittlignen which is not listed on the 1855 map. From 1355, Ittlingen was a possession of the Lordship of Gemmingen [de]. Their rule ended in 1806, when the Gemmingens’ properties were mediatized to the Grand Duchy of Baden. Ittlingen was assigned on 22 June 1807 to Oberamt Gochsheim [de], the only such district in Baden. On 24 July 1813, Ittlingen was assigned to the district of Eppingen.

Original digital file of map: 3,500 x 2,810 pixels, in ZoomViewer: https://zoomviewer.toolforge.org/index.php?f=1855%20Colton%20Map%20of%20Bavaria%2C%20Wurtemberg%20and%20Baden%2C%20Germany%20-%20Geographicus%20-%20Germany3-colton-1855.jpg&flash=no

[1] Benjamin Myer Brink, The Palatine Settlements, Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association, 1912, Vol. 11 (1912), pp. 136 https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/42889955.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A962eaf10dd5afe3ff4cdb27ba7b18019&ab_segments=&origin=&initiator=

[2] Cobb, Sanford Hoadley. The Story of the Palatines: An Episode in Colonial History. United Kingdom, G. P. Putnam’s sons, 1897. https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Story_of_the_Palatines/eUgjAAAAMAAJ?hl=en

Brink, Benjamin Myer. “THE PALATINE SETTLEMENTS.” Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association, vol. 11, 1912, pp. 136–43. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42889955. Accessed 27 May 2023.

Ellsworth, Wolcott Webster. “THE PALATINES IN THE MOHAWK VALLEY.” Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association, vol. 14, 1915, pp. 295–311. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42890044. Accessed 27 May 2023.

Diefendorf, Mary Riggs. The Historic Mohawk. United Kingdom, Putnam, 1910. https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Historic_Mohawk/ziIVAAAAYAAJ?hl=en

Walter Allen Knittle, Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration; a British Government Redemptioner Project to Manufacture Naval stores, Philadelphia: Dorrance & Co, 1905, https://archive.org/details/earlyeighteenthc00knit/page/n5/mode/2up

Nelson Greene, History of the Mohhawk Valley, Gateway to the West, 1614 – 1925 Covering the Six Counties of Schenectady, Schoharie, Montgomery, Fulton, Herkimer and Onieda – CVolume 2, S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, https://www.google.com/books/edition/History_of_the_Mohawk_Valley_Gateway_to/aOApAQAAMAAJ?hl=en

The Palatine Germans, National Park Service, https://www.nps.gov/articles/000/the-palatine-germans.htm

[3] Quote is from Philip Otterness, Becoming German, The 1709 Palatine Migration to New York, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004, Pages 120-121

Name	Birth Year	Birthplace	Arrival Date	Departure Port	Arrival Port
Johann Sperber	1826	Bavaria	14 Jun 1852	Havre	New York
Joh G. Sperber	1834	Bavaria	09 Jul 1856	Hamburg	New York
J. Sperber	1832	Bavaria	08 May 1855	Bremen	New York
W. Sperber	1828		20 Jun 1853	Bremen	New York

Is the Huntington NY Griff(is)(es)(ith) Family Name Welsh?

Based on a number of sources of supporting evidence, it is strongly believed that the Griff(is)(es)(ith)) surname of the family is a Welsh surname. Based on oral family stories it is beleived that the family came from Wales. [1] The documented variability of the surname spellings of the twelve children and descendants of William Griffis in America (e.g. Griffith, Griffis, Griffes) is also reflective of the historic characteristics associated with the evolution of Welsh surnames. [2]

In addition, aside from the Dutch and French, the Welsh together with the Scotts and English were some of the earliest colonists to arrive in America in the 1600’s and 1700’s. [3] Many of the Welsh that came to the colonies were either residing in England or from southern Wales. The southern region of Wales is located just across the Bristol Channel from what was then England’s second largest port city, Bristol. The port of Bristol supplied thousands of emigrants to England during the 17th and 18th centuries.

“Estimates suggest that at least 6,000 Welsh-born persons had settled in London in the early seventeenth century, amounting to some seven per cent of the capital’s resident population.” [4]

To a large degree, the Welsh that initially immigrated with the English to the colonies in the 1600’s came from the English ports of Bristol and London. [5] The influx of the first major wave of Welsh immigrants to America began in the mid to late 1600s. While there were movements of individuals, the majority transferred in denominational groups and settled together in small communities. Between the Restoration (1660) and the turn of the century, it is estimated that about 3,000 individuals of Welsh descent came to the colonies. [6] It is not known how many arrived prior to 1660.

“Some few people from Wales did emigrate during the Laudian persecution of the 1630s to gain religious and political freedom and were active in New England in the 1650s in evangelical reform. … At the same time, Wales was experiencing extreme economic problems. To a much greater extent than England, Wales consisted of a multitude of small tenant farmers whose plight was worsening with the concentration of land and power in the grasp of a prospering minority. … It is against this background that the first sizable emigrations from Wales occur, though quality rather than quantity is the keystone. ” [7]

While not certain, through my journey of hunches, dead-ends and successful finds, there is a plausible argument that William’s ancestors came from southern Wales. It is believed that one of more of the Griffith clan traveled from Bristol to Boston or another northern port. Another possibility is that William’s ancestors were Irish or English and had the Griffith, Griffiths, or Griffis surname and emigrated from one of these ports to the colonies.

However, there is no direct proof that the patrilneal family line was Welsh, English or Irish.

Similar to the Duck Test [8] of abductive reasoning:

Family folklore has stated that the surname was of Welsh origin;
the timing of when the family immigrated to the Colonies (mid to late 1600’s) suggest they were of English or Welsh origin;
the modifications of use of the Griffith(is)(es) surname in the Colonies has the historical characteristics of the Welsh in the late transition from a patronymic to surname naming custom ;
the derivation of the Griffith name is mainly of Welsh origin, therefore I believe that
the Griffith surname is a Welsh surname.

Well, I do tend to lean toward believing my second cousin four times removed, William Case Griffis regarding his recollections of his great grandfather William Griffis. [9]

**Portrait of William Case Griffis** | **Click for Larger View.**

Nevertheless, I thought I would delve a bit more into possible Y-DNA leads and review census data and Y-DNA associated with surnames from the present and past in Great Britain and Ireland to possibly add more ‘ballast’ to the argument that the family surname reflects a paternal line that was Welsh.

The Griff(ith)(iths) Surname

The surname of the Griff(is)(es)(ith) is actually a variant of the name Griffith and Griffiths, and its Welsh form of Gruffudd or Gruffydd. It is a traditional name of Welsh origin that was originally used as a personal name and eventually used as a surname, with or without the ‘s‘ as in Griffiths. [10] The name has many variations as a result of the natural evolution of the name in Welsh, as well as the translation of the name from Welsh into both Latin and English. Common variants include Griffin, Griffith, Griffiths, Griffing, Griffes, Griffis and other variations. The anglicized and Welsh forms are treated as different spellings of the same name in Wales.

Although there is documentation that Griffith families came from north Wales, there were in fact documented more Griffiths throughout Wales and across the border in England. [11]

The name Griffith in Ireland originally appeared in Gaelic as Ó Gríobhtha, which is derived from the word “gríobhtha,” which means “griffin-like.” While most of the instances of this name in Ireland can be traced to this native Irish source, the name also came to Ireland in the 12th century with the Anglo-Norman invasion of Strongbow. In this instance, the Griffith surname is derived from the Welsh personal names Griffin, Gruffin, or Griffith, pet-forms of the Middle Welshname Gruffudd. [12]

In studies of Welsh forenames in use in Wales in the fifteenth century, it has been noted that Welsh forenames were fading while ‘new’ Anglo-Norman names were growing. However, among the ‘traditional’ Welsh forenames that continued to be used, Gruffudd represented 6 percent throughout Wales. The modern derivative, Griffths, continued to be used throughout Wales. For comparison, the figures for surnames in Wales between 1813-1837 indicate that Griffiths represented 2.8 percent of the Welsh population. [13]

Griffi(th)(iths) Surname Distribution in British & Irish Census

The Griff(is)(es)(ith) family immigrated to the colonies in the mid to late 1600’s. I have not been able to find historical documentation on the prevalence and distribution of the Griffith surname in Wales in the 1600’s or 1700’s.

Perhaps reviewing the surname distribution patterns in the late 1800’s might provide a plausible glimpse of the historic distribution patterns that were similar to the 1600’s. This of course tenuously assumes that most folks in the British Isles did not have high migration patterns within and between Wales, Ireland and England during the 1600’s through 1800’s. This is not necessarily the case. [14] The economic effects of industrialization in the mid to late 1800’s had an effect on migration patterns on the British Isles. However, assuming most families within three to four generations (1600-1800) stuck within a certain geographic radius, we might see similarities in surname distributions within Wales and on the border of England and assume this reflects, to a degree, surname distributions in the mid-1600’s.

The ten most common surnames in Wales in 1856 were Jones (13.84%), Williams (8.91%), Davies (7.09%), Thomas (5.70%), Evans (5.46%), Roberts (3.69%), Hughes (2.98%), Lewis (2.97%), Morgan (2.63%) and Griffiths (2.58%). [15]

Of these ten common Welsh surnames, only five were found throughout Wales and did not display any marked concentration in any one area: Thomas, Lewis, Griffiths, Edwards and Morris. Other common surnames included Owen, Pritchard and Parry. The popular given names from which these surnames derived, such as Jones from John, and Davies from David, clearly depict the patronymic practice. While these figures reflect all of Wales, there have been studies which document that different areas of Wales have different levels and mixtures of surnames. [16]

For example:

“(T)he ten most common names in the Uwchgwyrfai area of Caernarfonshire covered more than 90% of the population. those names (in the early part of the nineteenth century) were: Jones (22.8%), Williams (18.40%), Roberts (13.28%), Hughes (7.78%), Griffiths (7.39%), Thomas (5.37%), Owen (4.86%), Evans (4.17%), Pritchard (3.65%) and Parry (2.92%).” [17]

Given the documented broad range of presence of Griffith and Griffiths throughout Wales and neighboring counties England, I did not anticipate getting any strong clues as to the location of where the ancestors of William Griffis resided. However, I thought I might find certain counties as having an higher probability of where the ancestors of the Griff(is)(es)(ith) family were from.

Keeping an Open Mind on Welsh Surnames: Don’t Fixate on One Name

Given the history of the emergence and use of surnames among the Welsh, pedantically looking for the literal spelling of one’s present day surname in historical records or Y-DNA test kit results is unwise. It is wise to pay attention to surnames that are geographically similar to where Griffith(s) households are found especially in terms of genetic matches. Families may have used different surnames in Wales as the practice of using surnames became more widespread in specific geographical areas.

In a study of Welsh wills, John and Sheila Rowlands documented ‘patterns of decay’ in the use of the patronymic naming system in Wales. [18] They completed a study aimed at providing a means of determining areas in Wales when the use of the patronymic naming system reduced to about 10 percent of the names in a given area.

Illustration One: Patronymic Decay and the Rise of Surnames in Wales

Source: John and Sheila Rowlands, The Use of Surnames, Chapter 4, Patronymic Naming – A Survey in Transition, Llandysul, Ceredigion: Gomer Press, 2013, Figure 4-3: Decay in the use of patronymic naming to the 10% level, Page 56 | **Click for Larger View**

The map above (Illustration One), which is from their study, reveals the wide variation when surnames were adopted in various parts of Wales. Surnames became the norm by 1750 across the coastal plain of south Wales and along the eastern border with England.

It was not until the mid-nineteenth century that the Patronymic system was fully replaced in Wales. When the Welsh immigrated to America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the patronymic pattern on both sides of the Atlantic eventually stopped, and their surnames became hereditary. However, it is not uncommon to find variations of surname spellings within and between family generations in documents associated with our family members in the 1600’s and 1700’s in the colonies. The use of surnames was, compared to the curing of concrete, “wet cement” in the 1600’s and 1700’s.

The Widespread Presence of Griffith(s) surnames in Wales

A review of data from the 1881 census of Great Britain and Griffith’s Valuation in Ireland 1853-1865, indicate that the surname of Griffith and Griffiths is found in a large number of countries throughout Great Britain and Ireland. Eighty percent of the prevalence of the Griffith(s) surnames are found within 77 mile radius of Caernarfon, Wales [19]. The Griffiths surname is more prevalent by county than Griffith.

Illustration Two: Prevalence of Griffiths and Griffis Surnames in Welsh and English Counties

Looking at this data on a map in Illustration Three, one can see that households with the Griffiths and Griffith surnames are located throughout Wales. The circle with a dotted boundary indicates the 77 mile radius of the 80 percent prevalence of the two surnames in the British and Irish census data combined. Where the two surnames are relatively larger in specific counties, a small pie chart appears and portions of the pie reflecting areas proportionate to prevalence of the two surnames. Counties that have a lessor presence of the surnames are reflected with small dots. The Griffith and Griffiths surnames were present in small varying degrees in many of the counties of Great Britain and Ireland. [21]

Illustration Three: Census Prevalence of Griffith & Griffiths Surnames in England and Ireland, Mid to late 1800s

Source: Rob Spencer, Britain and Ireland SNP and Surname Mapper | **Click for Larger View**

If we look at the 1881 census data for only the Welsh counties as depicted in Table One, four of the twelve counties represent 63 percent of Welsh households that have the name Griffith or Griffith. Glamorgan has the largest proportionate presence of the Griffith(s) surnames (27%). Penbroke, Caernafon and Carmarthen are the second, third and fourth largest in representation of Griffith(s) households (15.7%, 10.4% and 10.0% respectively). While these four counties contain the largest concentration of Griffith and Griffiths households, the Griffith(s) surnames are represented in all of the Welsh counties. These two surnames are in the top ten of most popular surnames in seven of the twelve counties.

Table One: Distribution of Griffith and Griffiths Head of Households by Welsh County 1881

County	Sur- name Griff- ith/iths	Sur- name Rank of top 300 sur- Names / County	Number of House- holds in county	Percentage of Griffith(s) Households Across Counties
Anglesey	ith	14th	722	2.4 %
	iths	0	0
Brecknock	ith	175th	24	3.2%
	iths	12th	937
Caernarfon	ith	10th	2954	15.7%
	iths	12th	1697
Cardigan	ith	70th	25	4.6%
	iths	13th	1330
Carmarthen	ith	73rd	78	10.0%
	iths	8th	2842
Denbigh	ith	30th	275	6.8%
	iths	10th	1726
Flinshire	ith	64th	106	5.8%
	iths	9th	1626
Glamorgan	ith	66th	640	27.0%
	iths	10th	7362
Merioneth	ith	19th	618	2.7%
	iths	12th	787
Monmouth	ith	0	0	5.4%
	iths	19th	1605
Montgomery	ith	84th	76	4.0%
	iths	14th	1095
Penbroke	ith	84th	110	10.4%
	iths	6th	2974

Data from Rob Spencer, Britain and Ireland SNP and Surname Mapper, http://scaledinnovation.com/gg/biMapper.html

So what does this mean? In essence, the ancestors of William Griffis could conceivably be from anywhere in Great Britain given the prevalence of the Griffith(s) surnames! However, there is a good chance that his ancestors were from Wales and from southern Wales. As reflected in Illustration Four, four counties in Wales represent more than a majority of households with the name of Griffiths or Griffith. Perhaps William’s ancestors were from Glamorgan, Penbroke, Caernafon or Carmarthen counties in Wales.

Illustration Four: 1800 Map of Highlighted Welsh Counties that had the highest concentrations of Griffith(s) households in 1881

Distinctive Surname Patterns and ‘Surname Insularity’ in Wales

A review of surname distributions in Welsh counties reveals similar patterns of surnames among the Welsh counties. This is also the case when viewing the border counties between Wales and England.

Counties whose residents share the same surname distribution mixes can be considered similar. This can be represented in a quantitative manner. The example in the Illustration Five below shows four counties A-D. Counties A and C have 2 of their 3 names in common and could be called 67% similar. A and B are 33% similar and all other pairs are 0% similar. From this a dendrogram can be constructed which visually expresses these counties’ mutual surname similarity. [22]

Illustration Five: Geographic Surname Similarity Portrayed in a Dendrogram

Source: Rob Spencer, County Clustering by Surnames, Tracking Back: a website for genetic genealogy tools, experimentation, and discussion | **Click for Larger View**

Clustering the 117 counties of Britain and Ireland by surnames indicates a clear pattern where the similarity of surnames generally follows historic political boundaries. Each region of Great Britain and Ireland (Wales, Scotland, England, Ireland, and Northern Ireland) is generally characterized with its own unique cluster of surnames. One noteworthy observation is the British counties of Herefordshire and Shropshire are deeply clustered with Wales. [23]

Illustration Six: Similarity of Counties Based on the Top 500 Surnames Found in Each County in 1881 (Top 5 Surnames are listed next to Each County)

The dendrogram above basically illustrates the similarity of Welsh counties based on their unique distributions of the 500 surnames found in the respective counties. For example, Carmarthen and Glamorgan counties are more similar in their top 500 surname disributions than compared wih the other counties. Also, as an example, Shropshire’s names are more similar to Wales than England. Regional identities remain largely the same whether one examines just the very common or just the very uncommon surnames.

Surnames can be viewed as a measure of the historic influence of patronymic influence, language. lineage, and culture, and they may be shaped by political boundaries or those boundaries may be superimposed on preexisting surname patterns. The crossing of a surname pattern over a political boundary may indicate past boundaries and/or may be related to cultural or sectarian differences.

In order to compare surnames to political or historic regions Rob Spencer looked at surname differences along six tlines that crossed regional borders (see the map in Illustration Six below). Similarity between the counties at the start and end of each arrow are calculated and shown in the six charts below. On the map, the dot on each arrow shows the point where the surname pattern is halfway in terms of similarity between the counties at the ends. The red arrow on the map follows a general pattern where the smaller region (Wales) is ‘tighter’ (homogeneous in terms of Welsh surname patterns) while the larger region (English counties) bleeds into the smaller’s surname pattern (e.g. Shropshire vs Wales). This pattern is depicted in Chart Four. [24]

Illustration Seven: Six Transects through Counties in Great Britain and Ireland

Rober Spencer, County Clustering by Surname | **Click for Larger View**.

Spencer found in most cases there is an identifiable 50-50 mix in surname patterns along these six lines. If you look at the transect line between Wales and England (highlighted Chart Four below), the 50-50 mix is around Shropshire county in England. In most cases there is a flattening out at one or both ends of the transect into a stable pattern. Pembroke, Cardigan, and Montgomery Welsh counties are all self-similar and iconically Welsh without English admixture, then as the line goes eastward into England, the surname mix is predominantly English.

Charts One Through Six: Similarity of Surnames in 1881 in Border Counties in Great Britain and Ireland

Source: Rob Spencer, County Clustering by Surnames, | **Click for Larger View**

Surname Variants of Griffiths & Geographical Similarities with other Surnames

Given the history of Welsh patronymics and the historic use of surnames, not only should variants of the spelling of a surname be considered when reviewing various census repositories of information, different surnames should also be considered in specific geographical areas. It is not inconceivable that individuals who were related at specific historical times may have decided to use different surnames when these of surnames became popular.

Illustration Eight indicates variants of the Griffith surname in the 1881 British census. In addition, there are a number of Welsh surnames that are geographically similar to where Griffith(s) surnames were found in 1881. As is evident, the common Welsh surname of Roberts, Owens, Williams, Hughes, Pritchard and Jones are found 80 percent of the time in counties where the Griffith(s) households resides. This is not surprising given the that these surnames were found in most of the Welsh counties.

Illustration Eight: Surname Variant of Griffith and Geographic Similarity of Other Surnames with Griffith

Adding the surname variants of Griffithes, Griffits and Grifiths to the analysis underscores the concentration of households with similar surnames found in Wales and the adjoining counties of Herefordshire and Shopshire in England.

Illustration Nine: Census Prevalence of Variants of Griffiths Surnames in England and Ireland, Mid to late 1800s

Thus far we have observed that the Griffith(s) surname is prevalent in many of the counties in England, Wales and Ireland. There is, however, a relatively higher concentration of Griffith(s) households in all the counties in Wales compared with English and Irish counties. At the latter part of the 1800’s we know that four counties in Wales represented over 60 percent of Griffith(s) households in Wales. Three of the four counties are on the southern border on the Bristol Channel.

Y-DNA & Geographic Location: Crossing the Channel

The comparison of surnames and Y-DNA can show both expected parallels and some surprising differences especially in the “lineage” period of ancestry (see Illustration Ten). This is an era or time period where groups of people have settled in local geographical areas prior to the use of surnames or written history.

Illustration Ten: Three Periods of Ancestry

Correlating data associated with the Y-DNA line of descent with the geographic location of the Y-DNA SNPs may provide a plausible but rough depiction of when and where the Griff(is)(es)(ith) family Y-DNA genetic line migrated to the British Isle and specifically to areas that are now modern day Wales. The relative mutation rate for an SNP is extremely low. This makes them ideal for documenting or marking and tracing the history of genetic mutations in the human genetic tree (haplotree) over long periods of time. Many generations can pass without a SNP occurring. This means that SNPs that occur in a specific lineage are unique and seldom change back. They occur thousands or tens of thousands of years ago.

The analysis of Y-STR data may also shed light on different surnames that are associated with common ancestors within the last 50 generations. As stated in earlier stories about STRs and SNPs, using both SNPs and STRs potentially provide more specificity in tracing the patrilineal line from deep ancestry, through the middle era of lineages and into the more recent historical era of surnames and traditional genealogy. STR markers will generally mutate more frequently than SNPs. SNP testing is getting better all the time and the advanced tests can now find SNPs every two or three generations, but STRs still mutate faster than that so sometimes you will have branches of the haplotree where no SNP mutations have been identified over a time period and you can not easily determine branching if you do not have the SNP branching points to navigate. STRs can show you where mutations have occurred which are more frequent than SNPs and they can mark branches that are not otherwise identified by SNPs. So you can get a little more granularity out of STR testing.

As indicated in other stories on this blog, the Griff(is)(es)(ith) patrilineal line is part of the Y-DNA G-haplogroup. Using an interactive on-line program called “STR Tracker”, an illustrated map chronicles the possible historical migratory path of the family surname haplogroup lineage. [25] This can be used as a basis for evaluating when the Y-DNA genetic line of my patrilineal line possibly migrated to the British Isle.

STR Tracker shows a walking man icon traversing the migratory path of either your paternal or maternal ancestors. Selected major events and cultures appear as the walking man traverses the continent. The app allows you to select various parameters to add information to the migratory path. [26]

Entering my ‘terminal STR’, BY211678, in the app will produce a suggested migratory path to the terminal SNP based on the major SNPs associated with the haplogroup mutations [27]. The terminal SNP is genetically akin to a leaf on small twig (a recent haplogroup branch) on an ancestral tree composed of branches, limbs, twigs and leaves. that was confirmed by my Y-DNA test.

I have recorded a video of the animated path that illustrates the paternal migration time line for the Griff(is)(es)(ith) family Y-DNA. While the accuracy or reliability of the statistical results of such an illustration are fraught with possible sources of error, Spencer, the creator of the app, does an amazing job at bringing historical and DNA data to life. [28]

The historical path generated from this program is probably not the actual path of the ancestors of the Griff(is)(es)(ith) patrilineal line but it captures the time period and general location of each successive genetic SNP mutation that occurred along the paternal lineage.

For a larger rendition of the video click here (recommended) and then click on the video arrow for the animation to start the migration process.

Video: Historical Path of the Griff(is)(es)(ith) Paternal Line

The population of Western Europe has been shaped by various migratory paths of major haplogroups from the east through time. As indicated in Part Three of my DNA story, three major movements of people, shaped the course of European prehistory. While each of these 3 waves of migration were composed of a mix of genetic haplotypes, each were represented by one or two major genetic haplogroups.

The second wave is associated with the migration of Neolithic farmers from the Anatola region. The G-Haplogroup, which the Griff(is)(es)(ith) patrilineal line is a genetic member, was a predominate haplogroup associated with this second wave. They brought not only their DNA but sheep, cattle and wheat to Europe. Within a thousand years the “Neolithic revolution” spread north through Anatolia and into southeastern Europe. By about 6,000 years ago, there were farmers and herders all across Europe.

The third wave, which is predominantly represented by the Yamnaya and are part of the R-Haplogroup, emanated from the Steppes. Illustration eleven depicts three paths of my haplogroup and two R haplogroups. As indicated in the map, the migratory paths of the two R haplogroups moved relatively quickly aacorss continental Europe and into the British Isles. My specific genetic Y-DNA line , part of the G-haplogroup, arrived in the north-central area of continental Europe and stayed there for a longer period of time.

Illustration Eleven: Migratory Paths of G and R Haplogroup Branches

Source: Rob Spencer, SNP Tracker | **Click for Larger View**

The different timing between the migratory paths of the “second wave” G haplogroup and the “third wave” R haplogroups can be viewed in illustration twelve. It appears the the migratory path of the Griff(is)(es)(ith) genetic line crossed the English channel around the Medieval Era. Prior to this time, they coexisted with a mix of other major haplogroup lines (I, J, R, etc).

Illustration Twelve: Migration Paths of G and R Haplogroups into England by Time and Place

Illustration Thirteen below shows longitude versus time to help visualize the migratory path associated with the Griff(is)(es)(ith) patrilineal line. The colors and thick solid/dashed lines are the same as the map above, and the thin horizontal dotted lines show south-to-north lines at notable longitudes. I have highlighted an area on the chart that suggested a possible time period where an ancestor crossed from the European continent to the British Island.

Illustration Thirteen : Westward Migration of Ancestors of Haplogroup G-BY211678

Source: Rob Spencer, **SNP Tracker** for G-BY611678 | **Click for Larger View.**

The following Illustration (Illustration Fourteen) depicts the SNP Y-DNA mutation lines of descent from the G-L497 branch of the G-haplogroup to my terminal SNP branch. The illustration indicates the approximate dates of the man who is the Most Recent Common Ancestor (tMRCA) associated with each of these specific SNP branches. By viewing the approximate dates of each of the MRCAs for each of the branches, we can vaguely estimate when a Y-DNA ancestor possibly crossed from the European continent to the British Isles.

Illustration Fourteen: Estimating When tMRCA Crossed the English Channel

Source: Estimates for MRCA birth and confidence ranges are from Rob Spencer, SNP Tracker |. **Click for Larger View.**

It should be noted that the statistical confidence levels for the birth dates for each of these MRCA’s are pretty wide! The dates are estimates based on genetic information only. Based on a 95% confidence level, the possible range of birth dates are provided in bold. For example, with a 95% probability, the MRCA of all members of the haplogroup G-Z40857 was born between the years 761 and 1198 CE. The most likely estimate is 1000 CE, rounded to the nearest 100. The chart below indicates a confidence level range of 770 – 1210 CE for the ancestor of G-Z40857. The confidence ranges in the chart are a bit different from FTDNA estimates and are provided through the SNP Tracker application. [29]

It is likely that the most recent common ancestor who crossed the English Channel was the ancestor born at the earliest 700 CE (G-Z6748), or 750 CE (G-Y38335) or the latest around 1000 CE (G-Z40857). Given the statistical ranges associated with each of these three individuals, the ancestor could have crossed between 450 CE and 1200 CE.

The following illustration is a still photograph from the SNP Tracker video that focuses on the approximate location of various SNP mutations that suggest an approximate time when the Griff(is)(es)(ith) lineage crossed the English Channel to the British Isle.

Illustration Fifteen: Estimated Migration Path of the BY211678 Haplogroup

It would appear that the Y-DNA haplogroups of the Griff(is)(es)(ith) line lived in Northern Europe, what is now Germany, for thousands of years, roughly 4000 BCE to 700 CE. During this time, males who were part of this Y-DNA line migrated westward and northward toward the northern European coast. Based on FTDNA test kits who can trace their Y-DNA to the G-Z6748 haplogroup, there is one Y-DNA tester, who reportedly can trace his paternal ancestor back to a Tÿgge Jörgensen who was born in 1678 and died in 1730 and lived in Øbjerg, Denmark. [30]

It appears that the MRCA of the G-Z6748 haplogroup was likely born on the European continent. Some of his descendants migrated to the British Isles. The most likely common genetic ancestor who crossed the English Channel is the MRCA of G-Y38335, born around 750 CE but could have been born around the end o the Roman Empire or as late as before the Norman Invasion.

As Spencer indicates:

Many of the haplogroups [that are claimed to] have originated in the British Isles are simply there because they show up as a handful of cases in Britain or Ireland and we have no evidence of their existence elsewhere due to this [Y-DNA testing] bias. Unless a haplogroup has a very unique geographical distribution or is wholly found in continental Europe (a lot of haplogroups do fit these criteria), it takes several hundred testers to accurately place its origin at the level of individual countries. [31]

The logic behind linking Y-DNA SNP branching and the geographical location with FTDNA test results is intuitive but as Spencer suggests, it has a number of limitations and caveats. One notable caveat is the number of FTDNA testers in each of the descending G-haplogroup branches rapidly declines (see Table Two). SNPs with Irish and Scottish origins are generally better represented in the FTDNA database than those with English and Welsh origins. The G-haplogroup, compared to the R-haplogroup, is a present day minority haplogroup and have few Y-DNA testers.

Table Two: Griff(is)(es)(ith) Y-DNA Lineage on the Family Tree DNA (FTDNA) Haplotree and Number of Testers in Each Branch

FTDNA Y Branch Subclade	MRCA Age Estimate	Number of Tested Big Y DNA Descendants in FTDNA Database 01-14-22
G-L497	5300 BCE	1,762
G-CTS9737	4400 BCE	1,647
G-Z1817	3000 BCE	1,590
G-Z727	2450 BCE	1,479
G-FGC477	2100 BCE	117
G-Z6748	700 CE	52
G-Y38335	750 CE	46
G-Z40857	1000 CE	44
G-Y132505	1250 CE	10
G-BY211678	1500 CE	8

Source: Family Tree DNA, Data March 2022

As reflected in Table Two, there are only 52 FTDNA Y-DNA test results for men affiliated with the G-Z6748 Haplogroup. This and the subsequent haplogroups descending from this branch are genetic ancestors that lived on the British island.

Y-DNA & Welsh Origin

There are a few STR markers that suggest the Griff(is)es)(ith) genetic line is Welsh. Haplogroup G-P303 (G2a2b2a) is a branch of haplogroup G (M201) that is a few branches pror to the G-L497 branch (see the chart in footnote 27). This older haplogroup represents the majority of haplogroup G men in most areas of Europe west of Russia and the Black Sea. There are also some short tandem repeat (STR) findings among G-P303 men which help in subgrouping them.

The percentage of haplogroup G among available samples from Wales is overwhelmingly G-P303. Such a high percentage is not found in nearby England, Scotland or Ireland. The STR Marker DYS594=12 subgroup has an unusually high percentage of Welsh surnames with the rest mostly of English ancestry based on available samples. (Red highlighted in Table Three).

Many of the men have an unusual value of 13 for Y-STR marker DYS388 ( I also have a 13 value for this marker which is yellow highlighted in Table Three), and some also have 9 at DYS568 (my value is 11). STR marker oddities are often different in each G-P303 subgroup, and characteristic marker values can vary by subgroup. Often the values of STR markers DYS391, DYS392 and DYS393, are respectively 10, 11 and 14 or some slight variation on these for all G-P303 men (all of these values of these markers I also have which are highlighted in blue in Table Three). [32]

In addition the DYS594 STR marker + 12 is a subgroup that has an unusually high percentage of Welsh surnames and to a lesser number of English ancestry. My value for this marker is 11.

Table 3 : FTDNA Y-111 STR Test Results for James Griffis – Markers 1 – 60

Source: FTDNA Y-DNA Results for Y-111 STR Test | **Click for Larger View.**

Spencer’s Britain and Ireland SNP and Surname Mapper tool provides hints about where and when paternal ancestors lived but is not definitive. Based on a ‘quality control analysis’ of his SNP and Surname Tool, he found that the average error in SNP location is about 160 kilometers. While a surname may have been prevalent in a specific county, an ancestor could have lived somewhere else. Names such as Jones, Williams and Smith have a very high prevalence in Wales. This natural bias may suggest the location of Welsh ancestry where there is none. [33]

The following illustration indicates the locations of FTDNA testers that are part of the G-Z4087 haplogroup, which is one of the earlier Y-DNA ancestor branches of the Griff(is)(es)(ith) line. As reflected in the map most of the testers, on the basis of surnames, can be linked to Wales.

Illustration Sixteen: Location Ancestors for Y-DNA FTDNA Testers Who are Descendants G-Z40857

Source: Generated using the **Britain and Ireland SNP and Surname Mapper** by Rob Spencer | Click for Larger View.

Similar to the results for the G-Z40857 branch, a more recent branch, associated with the Williams surname, is clearly identified with Welsh counties. G-Y132505’s paternal line was formed when it branched off from the ancestor G-Z40857 around 1000 CE. The man who is the most recent common ancestor of this line is estimated to have been born around 1200 CE. [34]

Illustration Seventeen: Location of Reported Ancestors for Y-DNA FTDNA Testers Who are Descendants of the MRCA Y132505

Source: Rob Spencer Britain and Ireland Surname Mapper | **Click for Larger View**.

Family Tree DNA (FTDNA) Y-DNA datasets include the surname of the modern DNA testers. Most of the DNA testers also provide the name of the earliest known paternal ancestor. Some of the tests provide the location of their earliest known ancestor. Despite the small number of Y-DNA test kits that are from the G-Haplgroup, all of this information can be useful in isolating possible areas where the Griff(is)(es)(ith) parilineal line of descent originated.

All surname groups are made up of distinct Y-DNA lineages. Some of those lineages have common ancestry that predates surnames and can reveal Iron and Roman era genetic relationships. Analyzing surnames of Y-DNA testers in the context of SNP and STR markers can create correlations of surnames with geographical areas. [35]

Since the Welsh were late in the game in adopting surnames, finding Y-DNA genetic matches with test kits associated with different surnames may simply indicate common ancestry. Various genealogists have indicated different time periods when the use of surnames arose in Europe. Some have claimed that surnames emerge 25-30 generations ago. While this might be the case for English and possibly other areas in Europe, I would venture to qualify this rule when dealing with Welsh descendants. I would expect common surnames to emerge among Welsh descendants between 12 to 6 generations. Y-DNA matches of test kits that share a Most Common Recent Ancestor (MCRA) prior to this are related but their respective lineages may assume different surnames during the time period where patronymic name sharing practices fell into disuse. [36] A different surname connecting less than 6 generations ago may indicate an NPE. [37] A different name connecting more than 12 generations ago simply indicates common ancestry

Results from the FTDNA L-497 Haplogroup Project

The following Dendrogram is from my earlier analysis of test kits from the L497 Haplogroup Project when I discovered a genetic match with Henry Griffith. The Dendrogram shows my test kit and the test kit of Henry Griffith (different surname) highlighted in blue. Our MRCA is William Griffis, born 1736. The dendrogram estimated William Griffis’ birth about 8 generations from the present (~1691 CE) which was pretty close. What is notable in the dendrogram is the number of different Welsh surnames that are genetically related to both of us: Williams, Gough, Jones. The dates on the dendrogram refer to the approximate dates of birth for the men who are the MRCA for each of the intersections of the graph. Also we are related to a William Jones reported to have been born 1782 in Lanelii, Wales. Our MCRA was born around 1493 CE.

Illustration Eighteen : Dendrogram Linking James Griffis and Henry Griffith

Five of the test kits in the FTDNA L497 Haplogroup Project that are part of my subclade subbranches report that their respective paternal ancestors were born in Wales. One test indicates their paternal ancestor Thomas Thomas was born in 1830 in LLantrisant, Glamorgan. Llantrisant is a town in the county borough of Rhondda Cynon Taf, within the historic county boundaries of Glamorgan, Wales, lying on the River Ely and the Afon Clun.

The other set kit indicates their paternal ancestor, William Rhydderch, was born before 1796 in Swansea, Wales. Swansea, Welsh Abertawe) is a , city, Swansea county, historic county of Glamorgan (Morgannwg), southwestern Wales. It lies along the Bristol Channel at the mouth of the River Tawe.

Another test kit indicates that their paternal ancestor was from Broxton, England. Broxton is a village and civil parish in the unitary authority of Cheshire West and Chester and the ceremonial county of Cheshire, England. The village is 11 miles south of Chester, and only 10 miles east of Wrexham in Wales.

Illustration Nineteen: Reported Location of Paternal Ancestor Filtered for G-Z6748 Haplogroup Y-DNA Testers

**Click for Larger View** **| PDF is also Available for better viewing**

Results from the FTDNA Wales Cymru Y-DNA Project

Another FTDNA work group that I am a member is the Wales Cymru Y-DNA Project. This work group project is designed to establish links between various families of Welsh origin with patronymic style surnames. Because the patronymic system continued until the 19th century in some parts of Wales, the project does not limit their study to single surnames. A Williams, for example, could just as easily be related to a Jones, Evans, or Roberts as another Williams in the direct male line. This work group, at the time that this story was written, had 1,598 members. Most of the members are part of the E, I, J and R-haplogroups. These haplogroups are predominate Y-DNA haplogroups in the British Isles. The number of test kits within the G-haplogroup that is part of this Y-DNA work group is small. There are 20 test kits representing the G-Haplogroup in this work group.

Isolating test kits from the G-Haplgroup was relatively easy since most of them had haplogroup paths that included the G-P303 branch which I referenced earlier in the story.

Illustration Twenty: Haplogroup Paths for G Haplogroup kits in the Wales Cymru Y-DNA Project

I created a dendrogram of the 20 test kits that were part of the G-Haplogroup and eleven were shown to be related, albeit distantly. As indicated in Illustration Twenty One , the MRCA for most of the test kits was born around 635 CE. I share a common ancestor who was born around 1328 CE with six test kits. Five of the six surnames of their respective paternal ancestors are common Welsh surnames: Rees, Evans, Griffiths, and Howard. The sixth test kit has an uncommon Welsh surname of Rhydderch. It is interesting to note that for those paternal ancestors that were born on the British Isle, they were all born in Wales:

Trefeglwys: Trefeglwys is a village and community in Powys, Wales, within the historic county of Montgomeryshire. The name derives from the Welsh language tref ‘township’ and eglwys ‘church’. The village sits on the Afon Trannon.
Carmarthenshire: Carmarthenshire is a coastal county in the south-west of Wales. The three largest towns are Llanelli, Carmarthen and Ammanford. Carmarthen
Narbeth: Narberth is both a town and a community in Pembrokeshire, Wales.
Harerfordwest: Haverfordwest is the county town of Pembrokeshire, Wales,
Llantrisant: Llantrisant is a town in the county borough of Rhondda Cynon Taf, within the historic county boundaries of Glamorgan, Wales
Swansea: Swansea is a city and county on the south coast of Wales.

Illustration Twenty One : Enlarged View of Dendrogram of Y-DNA Test Kits from Wales Cymru Y-DNA Project

For an integrated view of the dendrogram and information related to the haplgroup branches associated with the G-Haplogroup test kits in the Wales Cymru Y-DNA Project see Illustration Twenty Two.

Illustration Twenty Two: Dendrogram of G-Haplogroup Test Kits in the Wales Cymru Y-DNA Project

Source: Family Tree DNA | **Click for Larger View**

Results from the FTDNA G-Z6748 Project

Finally, the recently formed FTDNA Y-DNA Haplogroup Project for SNP G-Z6748, which is downstream from G-M201 > L89 > P15 >> L497 has provided some interesting results. Through initial research, the G-Z6748 appears to be a largely Welsh haplogroup, though extending into neighboring parts of England and one test kit from Denmark.

The Project Administrator of the group produced an interesting map that shows all known Z6748+ participants (and Y-Matches) who have traced their ancestor to a specific town in Europe. As can be seen below, the majority of the group are tracing their ancestors to coastal southern Wales. Some of the outliers appear to be upstream, so perhaps indicating pre-Wales origins for the group. Further upstream G-L497 is from continental Europe in Bronze Age times, so part of the goal for this group and the L497 work group is to understand the timing of the movement to the UK.

Illustration Twenty Three: Map of Paternal Ancestors of Test Kits in the G-Z6748 Haplgroup Project

The following are the locations of the 18 pinpoints on the map:

Wiggenhall St. Germans, England: Wiggenhall St Germans is a village and civil parish in the English county of Norfolk in the East of England. It is 85 miles north of London and 5 miles south-west of King’s Lynn.Little Marlow, England:
Little Marlow is a village and civil parish in Buckinghamshire, England. Little Marlow is located along the north bank of the River Thames, about a mile east of Marlow.
Broxton, England: Broxton is a village and civil parish in the unitary authority of Cheshire West and Chester and the ceremonial county of Cheshire, England. The village is 11 miles south of Chester, and only 10 miles east of Wrexham in Wales.
Acle, England: Acle is a market town on the River Bure on the Norfolk Broads in Norfolk, located halfway between Norwich and Great Yarmouth. It has the only bridge across the River Bure between Wroxham and Great Yarmouth.
Pontypool, Wales: Pontypool is a town and the administrative centre of the county borough of Torfaen, within the historic boundaries of Monmouthshire in South Wales
Llysworney is a small village in the Vale of Glamorgan, South Wales, in the community of Llandow.
Øbjerg is located in the region of South Denmark. South Denmark’s capital Vejle (Vejle) is approximately 74 km / 46 mi away from Objerg (as the crow flies).
Rotherfield, England: Rotherfield is a village and civil parish in the Wealden District of East Sussex, England. It is one of the largest parishes in East Sussex. There are three villages in the parish: Rotherfield, Mark Cross and Eridge. Rotherfield was originally a Saxon settlement in an area generally covered with oak forest.
Haverfordwest, Wales is the county town of Pembrokeshire, Wales
Kent, England is a county in South East England on the coast across from Calais France
Llanelli is a market town and the largest community in Carmarthenshire and the preserved county of Dyfed, Wales. It is located on the Loughor estuary 10.5 miles (16.9 km) north-west of Swansea and 12 miles (19 km) south-east of the county town, Carmarthen. Early recorded place names in the Bristol area include the Roman-era British Celtic Abona (derived from the name of the Avon) and the archaic Welsh Caer Odor.
Narberth is a town and in Pembrokeshire, Wales.
Swansea is a coastal city of southern Wales. the city is located along Swansea Bay in southwest Wales, part of the historic county of Glamorgan
Glamorgan or sometimes Glamorganshire is one of the thirteen historic counties of Wales.
Bristol, England Situated on the River Avon, it is bordered by the ceremonial counties of Gloucestershire to the north and Somerset to the south.
Glamorgan or sometimes Glamorganshire is one of the thirteen historic counties of Wales.
Port Talbot is a town and community in the county borough of Neath Port Talbot, Wales, situated on the east side of Swansea Bay, approximately eight miles from Swansea.
Pencoed (Welsh: Pen-coed) is a town and community in the county borough of Bridgend, Wales. It straddles the M4 motorway north east of Bridgend and is situated on the Ewenny River.

Conclusion

The overlapping of facts from the various FTDNA Y-DNA research groups are coming up with interesting results that strongly suggest the Griff(is)(es)(ith) paternal genetic line of ancestors came from Wales.

Back to the duck test of abductive reasoning, I believe the Griff(is)(es)(ith) surnames related to the family that started its colonial beginnings in Huntington, New York are indeed of Welsh origin.

Sources

The feature image at the tope of the story is an amalgam of maps and statistics on the distribution and prevalence of the Griff(ith)(ith) surname in Ireland and England.

[1] William Case Griffis was the grandson of William Griffis. His grandfather, William Griffis, who was the son of William Griffis, fought in the revolutionary war, William Case Griffis (Born 14 June 1825 in Chatrham, Ontario, Canada and died 27 July 1902 in Beaver Dam, Wisconsin) wrote the following notes in his father’s journal after his father’s death. His father was Reverend William Griffis.

“My Great Grandfather, on my father’s side came from Wales and settled in Huntington, Long Island. They spelled the name Griffiths. My Grandfather, who died at my Father’s house could never give me any reason why he changed it to Griffis. He moved to Canada and settled at Adolphustown where my father was born, also three brothers of my father, Phillip, Stephen and Gilbert and one sister who married a Mr. Harris. My father’s mother, Content Harris, was born in England. I have my grandfather’s old pension certificate for the services in the Rev. War. He had to go to Albany for his pension.”

The quote is from Mary Martha Ryan Jones and Capitola Griffis Welch, compiled by, Griffis Sr of Huntington Long Island and Fredericksburg, Canada 1763-1847 and William Griffis Jr, (Reverend William Griffis) 1797-1878 and his descendants. A self published genealogical manuscript, 1969. Page 103.

[2] John and Sheila Rowlands, The Use of Surnames, Chapter 4, Patronymic Naming – A Survey in Transition, Llandysul, Ceredigion: Gomer Press, 2013,

The chart below reflects the variations in spelling in the family surname among William’s 12 children.

Based on my assessment of genealogical evidence, seven of the children used the ‘Griffis’ surname, three used the ‘Griffith’ surname and one used the ‘Griffes’ surname.

The children of William Griffis with variations of surname spelling — **Click for larger view**.

The third generation of the family reflects a continuation of various spellings of the surname:

The descendants of William’s second child, James Griffis, reverted back to the ‘Griffith’ surname.
The descendants of the third son, William Griffis, used both Griffis and Griffith. Three of his four sons used ‘Griffis’ while a fourth son used ‘Griffith’.
The fifth son, Stephen Griffis, appeared to have used or was recorded as a Griffith and Griffis but it is not entirely certain what he actually used as a last name.
Nathaniel Griffes, the sixth son, was the only child that spelled his name as an adult with an ‘es’ on then, Griffes. His descendants continued the tradition.
While it is not entirely certain, Joel Griffith probably spelled his name with a ‘th’ on the end.
Little is known of the second daughter of William, Esther Griffis, but she probably spelled her last name with an ‘-is’.
Epenetus and John used Griffith and Daniel and Jeremiah used Griffis.

[3] In 1700, 80 percent of the British colonists were English and Welsh, in 1755, the figure was 52 percent and by 1775, it was 49 percent. Thirteen Colonies, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 3 January 2022, it was accessed on 21 Jan 2022.

Simon Newton Dexter North, A Century of Population Growth from the First Census of the United States to the Twelfth, 1790- 1900, U.S.: Bureau of the Census, 1909

[4] W.T.R.Pryce, Migration: Concepts, Patterns and Processes, in John & Shiela Rolands, Welsh Family History: A Guide to Research, Second Edition, Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1998, page 248

[5] R. Hargreaves-Mawdsley, Bristol and America: A Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America 1654- 1685, Clearfield 1929, page 3

[6] David Peate, Emigration , in John & Shiela Rolands, Welsh Family History: A Guide to Research, Second Edition, Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1998, page 260-261.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Duck test, Wikipedia, This page was last edited on 13 Feb 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Duck_test

[9] Portrait of William Case Griffis by Pastel artist Deborah Phillips Griffis, sister in law of William Case Griffis. (born 1825 • Liverpool, Nova Scotia, Canada and died 20 Nov 1903 • Chicago, IL). pastel is 13 by 18 inches. The owner of the Pastel is Mrs. John Carlson, North Fargo ND. The information was compiled as part of the Smithsonian American Art Museum’s inventory of American Paintings. Susan Montagne originally shared this image 13 Apr 2013 on Ancestry.com

[10] During the period of transition from the Welsh patronymic system to the use of formal surnames, in addition to the influence of using English based names, native Welsh names also were influenced by different adaptations.

the incorporation of the word ap (‘son of’) into the name, e.g. Thomas ap Howell became Thomas Powell;
the dropping of the use of ap, e.g. Thomas ap Howell became Thomas Howell
the addition of a possessive ‘s’ to a surname: e.g. Griffith became Griffiths
the preference for using Old Testament given names within the older nonconformist denominations;
the survival of old Welsh names in specific geographical areas; and
the migration of people into Wales from areas with different surname structures (e.g. Scotland, England and Ireland).

John Rowlands, The Homes of Surnames in Wales, in John and Shiela Rowlands, ed, Stages in Researching Welsh Ancestry. Bury, England: The Federation of Family History Societies Publications Ltd., 1999. Pages 164 – 170.